By James Aduku Odaudu, PhD

In recent days, the global football community has been united in mourning the tragic passing of Liverpool star Diogo Jota. Tributes have poured in from across the world—teammates laying wreaths, fans holding candlelight vigils, club management releasing elaborate statements celebrating his legacy. Social media platforms are awash with heartfelt messages, video compilations of his goals and assists, and solemn reflections on how his life touched millions.

Yet, on the African continent, particularly in Nigeria, a parallel story unfolds—one that underscores an enduring national malaise: our collective disregard for our own heroes.

Nigeria’s former Super Eagles goalkeeper, Peter Rufai, fondly nicknamed Dodo Mayana, also passed away recently. Unlike the global outpouring of grief for Jota, Rufai’s death has hardly made a ripple beyond a few perfunctory headlines. No official national day of mourning, no dedicated memorial games, no unified show of respect. In fact, even before his death, reports revealed that Rufai had been largely abandoned in his prolonged illness, relying on a few benevolent friends and family members rather than the country he once served with distinction.

This contrast is more than a sad coincidence. It is symptomatic of why Nigerian sportsmen and women increasingly question their commitment to national service and representation.

Two Deaths, Two Different Reactions

Diogo Jota: A Death Mourned with Honour –
Jota’s passing triggered a robust institutional response. Liverpool FC, the English Premier League, UEFA, and the Portuguese Football Federation each released statements highlighting not only his professional feats but also his humanity. Fellow players wore black armbands. Stadiums observed a minute’s silence. His family was assured of lifelong support, and conversations began immediately about establishing a foundation in his memory.

This isn’t just about sentimentality; it’s an established culture of respect. In countries like England, Spain, Germany, and Portugal, sport is more than entertainment—it is a pillar of national pride. Therefore, when an icon falls, they are honoured with dignity and gratitude, setting an example for future generations that their sacrifice will never be in vain.

* Peter Rufai: A Death Met with Silence

Contrast that to Rufai’s final days. The man who captained the Super Eagles to glory and inspired countless young Nigerians into football was left in relative obscurity. Apart from some individual tributes from former teammates and a sprinkling of mentions in the local press, official recognition was muted. He died as he lived the latter part of his life: neglected by the institutions he helped elevate.

This is not the first time a Nigerian sports legend has suffered such a fate. Stephen Keshi, Rashidi Yekini, Samuel Okwaraji—so many of Nigeria’s greats have died in penury, anonymity, or indignity.

* Why Nigeria’s Sportsmen Struggle to Be Committed

The reasons behind this persistent abandonment are layered:

1. Absence of Structured Welfare – In countries with robust sports governance, athletes enjoy insurance, pension schemes, and post-retirement support. Nigeria lacks a comprehensive welfare mechanism to protect athletes when the glory fades. It is an environment where sports heroes are treated as disposable assets.

2. Short-term National Gratitude –
Nigerian institutions often celebrate sporting success in the heat of the moment—lavish dinners, cash gifts, and front-page newspaper spreads—but quickly forget the athlete once the applause dies. This ephemeral recognition discourages long-term commitment.

3. Poor Sports Administration –
Rampant mismanagement in the sports sector means funds meant for athletes’ welfare and development are frequently misappropriated. The result is a system that neither nurtures nor protects its stars.

4. Weak National Identity – Unlike European nations where sport is a vital expression of national identity, many Nigerians perceive football as just another distraction. This weak sense of collective ownership fuels public apathy when sportsmen fall on hard times.

5. No Institutional Memory – Nigeria lacks an established tradition of memorializing its sporting icons through museums, scholarships, or commemorative matches. When there is no institutional memory, there can be no lasting gratitude.

6. Demoralization of Emerging Athletes – Young players see the fates of their predecessors—abandoned, impoverished, and uncelebrated—and begin to question whether the sacrifices of national duty are worth the risks.

Why This Matters

When a nation fails to honour its heroes, it undermines the very spirit that drives excellence. It tells young talents that their sweat, pain, and triumphs are fleeting curiosities. It breeds cynicism. It destroys morale. And it leaves a gaping hole where patriotism and purpose should thrive.

Diogo Jota will be immortalized not only in Liverpool folklore but in European football’s collective consciousness. His family will be comforted with the assurance that his name will never be forgotten.

Peter Rufai, by contrast, stands as a grim testament to how Nigeria continues to fail those who gave their all.

What Must Change

If Nigeria wants its sportsmen and women to be committed to national duty again, three fundamental shifts must occur:

• Institutionalization of Athletes’ Welfare

The government must create enforceable policies guaranteeing health insurance, pensions, and financial assistance for retired athletes.

• Cultural Reorientation

Sports must be redefined as a shared heritage deserving of collective respect and institutional memory.

• Transparent Sports

Administration
Funding, governance, and athlete development must be professionalized and depoliticized.

Until then, the cycle will repeat: our heroes will rise, give everything, and eventually die uncelebrated—while the rest of the world watches, puzzled by how a nation can so consistently abandon its champions.

Let Peter Rufai’s passing be a turning point. Because no athlete should have to wonder whether serving their country is worth the price.

• Dr James Odaudu can be reached at: jamesaduku@gmail.com

His brilliance is not in doubt, but his legacy of division, allegations of corruption, authoritarianism, and political betrayal raise deep concerns about national leadership

By James Aduku Odaudu

As Nigeria inches toward another critical presidential election cycle, familiar names are re-emerging in political calculations. One such figure is Mallam Nasir Ahmed el-Rufai, former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and two-term Governor of Kaduna State. Known for his sharp intellect, technocratic discipline, and boldness, el-Rufai has long positioned himself as a reformer unafraid to challenge the status quo.
Yet, behind this curated image lies a troubling legacy of controversy, division, political betrayal, and allegations of financial impropriety. As Nigerians search for leadership capable of uniting the country and reversing its many crises, we must ask: can a man with such a chequered past be trusted with the presidency?

*Corruption Allegations: The ₦580 Billion Question

Despite his anti-corruption posture, el-Rufai now stands accused of massive financial mismanagement. In 2024, his successor, Governor Uba Sani, exposed that the el-Rufai administration left behind a debt burden of over ₦580 billion, with very little to show in terms of tangible infrastructure or human development. A probe by the Kaduna State House of Assembly revealed troubling patterns: unjustified loans, inflated contracts, and systemic abuse of due process.(https://www.channelstv.com/2024/06/06/full-list-kaduna-assembly-indicts-el-rufai-for-alleged-corruption-recommends-suspension-of-finance-commissioner/)

How can a man facing such weighty allegations be entrusted with managing a national economy already under pressure? The risk to national financial credibility is simply too high.

* Southern Kaduna and the Silence of the State

One of the most tragic aspects of el-Rufai’s governorship was his handling—or mishandling—of Southern Kaduna’s insecurity. During his tenure, the region saw repeated attacks by armed herdsmen and bandits, leading to the deaths of hundreds and the displacement of thousands.
He was routinely accused of deliberate silence during these attacks and whenever he considered it imperative to speak, laid the blame on the leaders of the victimised communities most of the time.

According to one of the community leaders, Zubair Abdurrauf, “There is complicity of silence by both the government side and also some people. It’s just because it’s Southern Kaduna that this is happening. A lot of people who are supposed to talk on this issue are not talking.
“And why people are losing faith in the security agencies is because even when we call security agents to come to the rescue in a particular place, they will wait for orders either from Kaduna or Abuja or from whatever” (https://www.channelstv.com/2023/04/19/complicity-of-silence-community-leader-blames-govt-for-southern-kaduna-killings/).

El-Rufai’s controversial claim that his government paid off “foreign Fulani” to prevent reprisals provoked outrage, as it appeared to validate impunity rather than enforce justice. For a potential Commander-in-Chief, this perceived appeasement of violent actors raises red flags about impartiality and national security.

*Ethno-Religious Bias and Exclusion

El-Rufai’s administration was routinely accused of promoting religious
intolerance and ethnic exclusion, particularly against Southern Kaduna’s Christian-majority population. His introduction of the Preaching Regulation Bill, widely criticized as targeting Christian evangelicals, along with his dismissive remarks about minority leaders, painted a picture of a leader unwilling to respect Nigeria’s pluralistic identity.
If replicated at the federal level, such tendencies could dangerously widen Nigeria’s ethno-religious fault lines, inflaming tensions in an already polarized country.

Speaking on the likelihood of an el-Rufai presidential ambition, Luka Binniyat, National Spokesman of the Middle Belt Forum, in a statement, confirmed that El-Rufai is and remains a sworn enemy of the Middle Belt Forum and Southern Kaduna people, hence they would work against his plans to further occupy elected political office.

He said: “Let me reiterate again without any equivocation that the Middle Belt region of Nigeria will not be favourably disposed to supporting any candidate or coalition that picks former Kaduna governor, Nasir El-Rufai, either as a candidate or a running mate in the 2027 presidential election irrespective of the competence of such candidate. El-Rufai remains a sworn enemy of Southern Kaduna and the Middle Belt. We can’t risk him as President or VP at all.”

* Authoritarianism and Intolerance

El-Rufai’s leadership style is defined by intolerance for dissent and a deeply authoritarian posture. He sacked thousands of civil servants and teachers without clear due process, banned protests, and harassed journalists who criticized his policies. His infamous 2019 comment warning that foreign observers would leave Nigeria “in body bags” drew international condemnation.

“We are waiting for the person who will come and intervene. They will go back in body bags because nobody will come to Nigeria and tell us how to run our country. We have got that independence and we are trying to run our country as decently as possible,” said el-Rufai . (https://www.reuters.com/article/us-nigeria-election/nigeria-leaders-ally-says-foreigners-who-intervene-in-poll-face-body-bags-).

A leader who consistently crushes dissent and personalizes governance cannot be expected to respect the democratic freedoms enshrined in our Constitution.

* Nepotism and Cronyism

Despite his claims of promoting meritocracy, el-Rufai has repeatedly been accused of nepotism. Key appointments in his administration were filled by family members, political protégés, and allies, including his own son, whom he defended after a series of controversial social media outbursts.

Nigeria cannot afford a presidency where public offices are reduced to family inheritances and political patronage rather than national service.

* Political Betrayals and Self-Serving Alliances

Beyond policy failures and governance lapses, el-Rufai has demonstrated a consistent pattern of political betrayal. Over the years, he has turned against allies, manipulated loyalties, and pursued personal political survival at the expense of long-term alliances or ideological consistency. From his fallout with former President Obasanjo to his instrumental but later fractured relationship with President Buhari and the APC hierarchy, el-Rufai has shown that political expediency, not principle, guides his moves.

A more recent example of el-Rufai’s penchant for political betrayal and self-serving ambition is his current relationship with the Tinubu administration. Here was a man who, according to him, played a key role in ensuring the emergence of the President, got himself nominated for a ministerial position, now championing the failure of the same government all because he failed to get confirmed for his desired position.

Such a character flaw makes him unreliable, both to fellow leaders and to the Nigerian people. A president who cannot be trusted by his own political partners is unlikely to build national consensus or manage a united team of reformers.

* The Bigger Danger: National Disunity and Democratic Erosion

In a country struggling with terrorism, youth frustration, separatist agitations, and worsening economic inequality, elevating a figure with such a divisive, controversial, religious chauvinism, and unpredictable profile is risky at best—and catastrophic at worst.

In his own words, on his decision to sideline the Christian population in Kaduna State as Governor: “Whenever people ask me why I nominated Dr. Hadiza Balarabe (a Muslim) as my running mate in 2019, I tell them that, first, I did my calculations and I realised that most of those who are not Muslims will not vote for our party.
So, why should I give them a deputy? I did my calculations, and I arrived at the conclusion that we could win the election without them,”

Nigerians need a leader who can unite rather than divide, listen rather than dictate, and build rather than destroy institutions and relationships. El-Rufai’s legacy points in the opposite direction.

* Final Thoughts: Not Just Who Can Lead, But Who Should

“Compassionate, unifying, and selfless leadership is not about being in charge — it’s about caring enough to serve, rising above division to build common ground, and putting the well-being of others at the heart of every decision.” – Anonymous

El-Rufai is brilliant. He is experienced. But brilliance without compassion, experience without trustworthiness, and ambition without patriotism are not enough. Leadership is not just about solving problems; it is about bringing people together to solve them collectively.

For a fragile nation seeking healing, inclusion, and progress, Nasir el-Rufai is the wrong choice at the wrong time. Nigeria deserves—and must demand—better.

• Dr. James Aduku Odaudu is a public affairs analyst, development administrator, and communication consultant. He writes from Abuja. email: jamesaduku@gmail.com Twitter: @jaymsodaudu

By Tunde Olusunle

Politics in Nigeria over the years has always been denominated by notable peculiarities. This of course is relative to time and season. The gamut of its aesthetics resides in the frills and thrills, dramas and theatrics, which it throws up. Electioneering engenders colourful rallies in stadia and open arenas, complete with songs, chants and dance. Oftentimes, such events build up into resplendent carnival crescendos in the African sunshine. Roadshows offer similar excitement, music booming and blaring from loudspeakers mounted on branded automobiles, electrifying the streets and cities, as huge processions accompany mobile platforms. It is the season when aliases are minted and sobriquets conjured, when major political dramatis personae are conferred with novel honorifics and nomenclatures.

Nigeria’s First and Second Republic politics featured notable legends like Jeremiah Obafemi Awolowo; Samuel Ladoke Akintola; Augustus Meredith Adisa Akinloye; Moses Adekoyejo Majekodunmi; Busari Adelakun and Adeniran Ogunsanya, from Nigeria’s present day South West. From the South East came icons like Alvan Azinna Ikoku; Nnamdi Benjamin Azikiwe; Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe; Michael Iheonukara Okpara, while today’s global North had the Abubakar Tafawa Balewas; Sa’adu Zungurs; Aminu Kanos; Yusuf Maitama Sules, among others. Awolowo was nicknamed *Awo* evidently derived from the full spelling of his surname, while the fearless, daring Adelakun was festooned with the alias *Eruobodo,* which means the “river fears no one.” For his pan-Africanist endeavours, Azikiwe was commonly referred to as *Zik of Africa,* while Aminu Kano was the *Baba’n Talakawa,* on account of his strident advocacy for the proletariat, the down-trodden.

Aliasing on the political trail subsists even up until the present. Lamidi Adedibu a colossus in the politics of Oyo State in his time, was reputed for his affinity with the underprivileged. As many urchins and street kids who accessed his expansive home in Molete, Ibadan, were assured of regular meals, the staple being *amala,* yam flour. While Adedibu in one breath was the exemplar of *amala politics,* he was also famously known as *Alaafin Molete.* *Alaafin* is the title of the king of Oyo, a foremost kingdom in Yoruba and Nigerian history. Adedibu was said to have been eminently influential in his district, Molete, Ibadan, his hands strengthened by the swarming army of youngsters beholden to him as their ultimate benefactor. His wishes were his commands. The title of *Alaafin,* arguably the Number One royal in Oyo State, was therefore appropriated and honorarily bestowed on him. For as long as he lived, Adedibu was a major factor in the politics of Oyo State, whose voice indeed echoed in *Aso Villa,* seat of national governance.

Nigeria’s botched Third Republic brought forth Isiaka Adetunji Adeleke as Governor of Osun State, in January 1992. He was a very cosmopolitan and charismatic personality who was born in Enugu in Nigeria’s South East. He was noted for the remarkable styling of his headgear, which pointed skywards like that of a chef, as against the norm in Yoruba land. He contested for the governorship of Osun State on the platform of the extinct Social Democratic Party, (SDP) and won, just months after the creation of the entity in August 1991. The manner of his first time sweep of the gubernatorial poll earned him the sobriquet *Serubawon,* the one dreaded by his adversaries. Isiaka Adeleke’s younger brother, Ademola Adeleke who like his older sibling is Governor of Osun State, has since adopted and popularised his brother’s signature cap. Such are the variegated spin-offs of politics in our own part of the world.

Conversations around Nigeria’s 2027 presidential poll have begun rather early. The administration of President Bola Tinubu is barely two years in office, yet the national space has been drowned in the din of an election which is more than 700 days away. Cross-carpeting and defections have assumed fever-pitch as politicians try to secure their places in the political scheme, post-2027. Governors, parliamentarians, government appointees, serving and retired continue to move around like yo-yos. Their whole lives, their eternal relevance seem solely predicated on the sustenance of their proboscis, deep inside the torso of our collective patrimony. Many politicians in the present milieu have become permanent fixtures in our politics. As though they are the only Nigerians capable of adding value to governance and nation-building.

Proclamations about Tinubu being the sole presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, (APC) in the 2027 presidential ticket have been made. He will run unopposed. Olusegun Obasanjo, the First President of the ongoing Fourth Republic, was challenged at the 2003 presidential primary of his party at the time, the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), by no less a politician and statesman, than Alex Ekwueme, Nigeria’s Second Republic Vice President, a foundation member of the PDP. This underscores the politics of accommodation promoted by Obasanjo a strong President in his own era. Affirmations are equally being chanted, as affixture to the *on your mandate we shall stand* chant, popularised by Tinubu promoters during the 2022/2023 electioneering exercise. Mere mortals are making matter-of-fact declarations and pronouncements with the manner of certitude and conviction about the future which presupposes they know the plans and workings of the mind of the Almighty God Himself.

Nigeria’s former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, has remained a very formidable factor in Nigeria’s politics since the days of the primordial SDP, back in 1992. Despite being a newcomer to partisan politics having just retired from public service at the time, Atiku posted a notably strong performance for a newbie at the party’s presidential primary in 1993. This ensured he was a decider in the subsequent emergence of Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, (MKO), as presidential candidate of the SDP. Abiola beat Baba Gana Kingibe, in the runoff between both men, in Jos that year, largely because of Atiku’s personal sacrifice. Atiku continued to hone his skills as a politician, build cross-national friendships and relationships and to align with democratic elements even under the dreadful regime of Nigeria’s former pseudo-maximum ruler, Sani Abacha. He was tracked to his Kaduna home by Abacha agents and attacked. A number of armed security operatives on guard in his house were neutralised just as he escaped by the whiskers and went into exile.

Atiku was Governor-elect of Adamawa State, early 1999. He was awaiting inauguration when he was chosen to pair Obasanjo’s presidential ticket, after the PDP presidential primary. Instructively, the primary took place in Jos, where the SDP presidential primary in which he previously participated, held six years before. The Obasanjo/Atiku ticket won the presidential election proper and Atiku Abubakar became the First Vice President of Nigeria subsisting Fourth Republic. Talk about one politician who has friends and associates across all of Nigeria’s 774 local government areas and you find that in Atiku Abubakar. He needs not grope in the dark searching for acolytes. And because he is ever in touch with his affiliates and foot soldiers, they rally spontaneously to his beckoning and causes.

If there is one politician today whose name evokes trepidation in the ranks of the establishment, that person has to be Atiku Abubakar. His vast public service experience; his successful forays into the private sector; his profound knowledge of the Nigerian conundrum; his deft organisational skills; his flexibility as a team player; his charm and charisma, combine to underline his formidability. Concerned Nigerians in recent weeks and months, have been reaching out to Atiku to lead the charge for change in the nation’s political leadership. While the overall socioeconomic health of the nation is draped in gloss and fine print by incumbents, the situation is excruciating on the streets. There is palpable hunger, worsened by skyrocketing inflation. Insecurity continues to pummel the citizenry by way of kidnappings, banditry, insurgency and wanton killings across the breadth of the country. Depression has accentuated suicide rates as many succumb to despair and despondency. The national space is thick and dark with tangible foreboding.

True, Nigeria’s opposition parties are almost irredeemably discombobulated as we speak. The very thought of Atiku commitedly attempting to sew a pathway out of the tatters, however, is very concerning to the status quo. The experience of the 2023 presidential election where the APC capitalised on the fact of the dismemberment of the PDP behemoth into three political smithereens remains very fresh. Hopefully, political archaeologists will some day unearth the debauchery and chicanery which attended the tallying of the final results of that election. To forestall a recurrence of that incident, a viable cross-party partnership is being conceived to rescue Nigeria from its present abyss, as Nigerians continue to agonise about the glaring failures and failings of the incumbent regime. This underlines mass angst, with the Tinubu administration consistently fingered for excruciating hardship and the attendant national lachrymose.

The evolving political alliance calculated to confront the incumbent dispensation, is gathering adherents by the day. At the centre of this movement is Atiku Abubakar whose every guest, every visit to like-minded politicians, every event he participates in, evokes interest and debate, in opposing political quarters. Atiku is fittingly the contemporary *Serubawon.* He is the one whose sneezes reverberate across the political sphere, causing tremors in the ranks of his adversaries. The journey to 2027, by the way, is just beginning. There are no foreclosures as yet. Not at all.

● Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), is an Adjunct Professor of Creative Writing at the University of Abuja.