Economy
TAX REFORM BILLS: THE NORTH MUST MODERNISE ANYHOW
Published
11 months agoon
By
SunriseBy Abdullahi Ismaila Ahmad, Ph.D.
The tax reform bills recently sent to the National Assembly by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, have generated controversies over the past weeks. Many commentators have expressed their views in support of the bills or against some of their provisions. The Northern Region has expressed vehement objection to the bills. They are against the bills because, in their views, the bills are entirely or partly anti-north. Given most of the observations and the pros and cons of the arguments advanced by the various commentators, it is pertinent to say that whatever views are advanced by the Northern stakeholders, the truth that must be told is that Northern Nigeria must yield itself to the full extent of modernisation, anyhow and soonest. The tax bills will invariably switch a region like the North out of its encrusted traditional and provincial life patterns.
There is no need to regurgitate the controversial issues around the tax reform bills as they are already in the public domain, and much has been said about them thus far. However, three keywords about the VAT derivation model proposed in the tax bills should form the cornerstone of deliberations and whatever decisions may be taken afterwards by the Northern stakeholders. These signature words are production, consumption, and competition.
The Value Added Tax (VAT) is described as a consumption tax. However, before consumption occurs, there must be production, whether in goods or services. Therefore, production is a key factor in any consideration or discussion of the Value Added Tax. Our rudimentary economic class tells us that factors of production are land, capital, labour, and entrepreneurship, which are the building blocks of any economy. Any society that desires economic progress will not take these factors of production for granted. Without mincing words, these production factors are abundant in Northern Nigeria, almost to the point of waste. One would expect that the North will have no issue with production, which invariably gives rise to consumption.
As an output of the production process, consumption depends on the purchasing parity of a people and their cultural tastes. Nonetheless, consumption can happen away from the point where goods and services are produced. It is expected, however, that both production and consumption can occur at the same place, thereby enriching the economy of that particular place. This is because trading and commerce will enhance people’s purchasing parity. Without mincing words, Northern Nigeria is essentially a consumption society but with the potential to be a producing economy. It must embrace progressive ideas and modernisation to harness its full economic potential.
This is where competition comes in. There is competition in every aspect of our lives, from the products and services being churned out daily to how societies employ strategies to grow their economies. This makes every society think progressively and forecast the future. No society lays back or indulges in wastefulness or a careless lifestyle and expects to be at par with other societies that have moved on the fast pedestal of development.
The pertinent question to ask at this juncture is why Lagos has suddenly become the envy of the entire nineteen northern states. What does Lagos state have that all northern states do not have or cannot have? The answer to the second question is that Lagos state has painstakingly embraced the full extent of modernisation through its deliberate policy planning and execution, it has embraced technology, industrialisation, financial inclusiveness and wealth creation strategies. Northerners are among those who made Lagos State what it is today with their massive investment there.
The point being emphasised here is that the VAT derivation formula being proposed by the tax bills should also be seen as a wake-up call for the Northern stakeholders and political establishment to stir the region out of its slumber and decipher these salient issues dredged up by the bills and quickly embrace the imperative of modernisation. Modernisation does not mean only the erection of skyscrapers, the construction of flyovers, or paved motorways. Suppose we have all these, by all means, okay. In other words, modernisation refers to a reformation of habits, which W. H. Auden refers to as a ‘change of heart’, which is not simple. In this regard, modernisation ‘is the reshaping and resharing social values, such as power, respect, rectitudes, affection, well-being skill, and enlightenment’. This is to say that the Northern leadership and political establishment must change its old ways of engaging with the people and the society. It must change its way of perceiving reality to begin to understand that leadership is an instrument for improving the conditions of a people, not a tool for manipulating them. It must wake up to an understanding that modern life is about competition, progress, and overcoming challenges that improve the condition of a people. It’s not about rhetoric and hyperbole.
The Northern political establishment must develop a mindset that comprehends the reality that governance is about service to the people, building capacities, developing human resources, bettering the living conditions of a people, and challenging the environment to yield its potential for the growth of the society. Indeed, governance should not be approached as a private fiefdom, a personal estate for a wilful distribution of privileges and patronage. For too long, the Northern political establishment has held down its people in poverty to authenticate its affluence and influence, thereby closing the space for more engaging and productive ideas and wealth creation. That’s why the political class would instead purchase bicycles, coffins, grains, wheelbarrows, and other mundane items purportedly as empowerment when politicians from different regions build their people on ICT and technology pedestals and build food security hubs and other progressive ideas.
The change of attitude required of the Northern political establishment should be the type that will lead to an organisation of economic activities, automation of business transactions, creative development of natural resources, and development of human resources through restructuring of education system and manpower training. W. W. Rostow states that for a society to sustain economic growth by its autonomous operations, ‘it must be effectively geared to the skills and values of the people who make it work’. That is to say that people’s entrepreneurial skills and values of hard work, industry, and resilience must be sharpened and attuned to the demands of modern life. Small and medium enterprises abound in the North. Still, they require uplifting through capital incentives like access to interest-free loans and other grants and enabling environment such as electricity, potable water supply, access roads to agricultural belts, etc. For example, through loans and grants, business owners can be encouraged to develop a value chain in their business lines and offer jobs to unemployed youth.
On automation, it’s essential that state governments in the North also recognise the role of technology in business transactions. Globally, technology is being used to drive revenue collection. Today, the record-breaking revenue collected by the FIRS is made possible because of the massive investment in technology allied with administrative finesse. Therefore, automation of tax payment processes is the norm everywhere. Automation can be done right from the point of business registration, where the data of a business owner can be collected and included in the financial or fiscal process.
Most importantly, this automation option becomes more compelling with the proposed derivation method of sharing VAT. In terms of consumption, it’s unarguable that soft drinks like 7UP, Fanta, Coca-Cola, Mirinda, Sprite, etc, are widely consumed in the remotest part of the North. In the North, soft drinks equate to the liquor in the South. To be able to appropriate VAT from these drinks and other goods like indomine, pasta, sugar, cement, etc, an automation process needs to be implemented to track how VAT is charged at the wholesale distribution point. This is what is referred to as the output VAT.
Regarding the input VAT, deliberate policy can be made to create a value chain in producing and processing products like rice, yams, vegetables, and fruits. In other words, instead of selling the products in their raw forms, state governments should encourage investors to set up factories to create value chains necessary for generating the required revenue. Given its large population, the North can gain more from the consumption-based VAT method if a deliberate strategy is implemented to optimise the process of output VAT.
There is nowhere in the proposed VAT law explicitly stating that the 60% proposed is entirely and exclusively for Lagos state. The presumption that the VAT proposal will favour only Lagos state is just a figment of the imagination of those peddling the sentiment, which stems from a feeling of inadequacy. The clause says, ‘wherever the consumption of goods and services takes place’ will be given the percentage of the VAT it generates from the earmarked 60% of the overall monthly VAT volume generated. So, the onus on every state and region is to put its act together to track and authenticate the VAT it generates. Instead of lamenting or expressing the sentiment about Lagos getting the large share of the VAT, it behoves the North to look inward to harness its potential and organise its economic activities. Northern states must wake up to the challenge and stop the lamentations. The North has a population; it has all the factors of production, and it is equally endowed with natural resources to be ahead of other regions. So, why the panic?
Talking about natural resources, there is a concentration of mineral resources in the North like lithium, uranium, talc, limestone, gold, and even black gold and a host of others to make it able to establish companies and industries for the manufacture and production of all kinds of goods and services. And so, the North is not a poor region as it is being iterated; it is just reeling in misplaced priorities and elite complacency. As it were, if the North had kept to the trajectory of the examples set by Sardauna and Balewa who set up viable business ventures and strategic institutions, built manpower, and laid solid economic framework for the future, all of which have now gone with the winds, it won’t be crying wolf now. However, what it requires now is the political will and negotiation skills necessary in politics to turn things around for the better. To be sure, politics is about negotiation over scarce resources. Therefore, the sharper your negotiation skills are, your chances of gaining a competitive advantage in a political arrangement will increase.
For instance, what stops the North from negotiating a tax credit scheme to revamp the moribund textile industries in the North? Why did the North allow the Bank of the North to be taken over? Why didn’t the Northern political establishment say anything about the stoppage of the dredging of the River Niger and the abandonment of the Baro Port? What happened to its cotton potential and the ginnery enterprises? What is it doing with the vast water bodies and arable land? So many questions, indeed.
The VAT debacle has provided the North an opportunity for negotiation and introspection. The present atmosphere of regional competition makes the matter even more enjoyable. Therefore, the North must muster every skill to get a better deal out of this debacle and seize this moment to modernise its social and economic institutions for more financial inclusiveness and overall economic growth. This is a time to change the old habits and embrace progressive ideas. It is instructive how the North raised its voice in unison to object to the Tax Reform Bills. It is equally expedient for the North to rise in unison against the spate of insecurity bedevilling the entire region. Let the Governors, the Emirs, the Ulamas, and the whole people equally give marching orders to their legislators in the National Assembly, as they did on the tax reform bills, to end the insecurity in the region.
Let the North rise against the misplacement of governance priorities and begin to chart the course of modernisation. As recently suggested by the immediate past Executive Chairman of FIRS, Muhammad Nami, the North must take the issue of financial inclusiveness seriously to be able to move on the same pedestal with the other regions of the country. There are probably billions of naira circulating in the North outside the banking system because the handlers detest bank interest. Indeed, the North has no other option but to start modernising now.
For instance, what stops the Northern stakeholders from using diplomatic instruments to get Middle Eastern banks like Al Rajhi to set up branches in key Northern states’ capitals to attract those outside the banking system to bank their money? It must be stressed that transactions through the banking system and the embrace of the BVN and NIN, which ensure that everybody is captured in the National Database and the overall fiscal construct of the country, are no longer optional; it should be considered obligatory on everybody, whether young or old, educated or not. Therefore, the North must shift away from the traditional way of doing business and tax collection to a more financially inclusive way to benefit from the VAT windfall.
Abdullahi Ismaila Ahmad, Ph.D. is the
Director, Communications & Liaison Department, Federal Inland Revenue Service
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Business
Why PENGASSAN and NUPENG Must Halt Their Fight with Dangote Refinery: A National Interest Imperative
Published
1 month agoon
September 29, 2025By
Sunrise
By James Aduku Odaudu
Introduction
Labour unions are vital in protecting workers’ rights, ensuring fair wages, and safeguarding welfare. In Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) have historically played strong roles in defending their members.
However, their ongoing conflict with the Dangote Refinery risks undermining not only a private enterprise but also Nigeria’s broader national economic interests. This is a fight that must be urgently de-escalated.
• The Dangote Refinery as a National Asset
The $20 billion Dangote Refinery is not just a private venture—it is a strategic national asset. As the largest single-train refinery in the world, it has the capacity to meet Nigeria’s domestic demand for refined petroleum products and even export surplus to other African markets. For decades, Nigeria has depended on fuel imports despite being Africa’s top crude oil producer. The refinery offers a pathway out of this paradox.
Any disruption to its operations will have ripple effects: from fuel scarcity and increased transportation costs to inflationary pressures that affect every Nigerian household. The stakes are simply too high to allow union battles to derail such a transformative project.
• Labour Rights vs. Public Interest
The right of workers to unionize, negotiate, and advocate for improved welfare is fundamental. But in industrial relations, there is always a balancing act between labour rights and the public interest. When union actions threaten to destabilize a facility as strategic as the Dangote Refinery, the collective well-being of over 200 million Nigerians must come first.
By escalating their fight with the refinery, PENGASSAN and NUPENG risk:
i. Jeopardizing thousands of direct and indirect jobs created by the refinery.
ii. Triggering possible layoffs if operations are stalled.
iii. Undermining the long-term sustainability of the refinery, which would ironically harm the very workers they represent.
• Safeguarding Investor Confidence
The Dangote Refinery is a flagship project that has drawn global attention. If labour unions cripple its operations, it sends a dangerous signal to both domestic and foreign investors—that Nigeria is an unstable and hostile environment for large-scale industrial projects. This perception could deter future investments in infrastructure, energy, and manufacturing, sectors Nigeria urgently needs to diversify its economy.
Investor confidence is fragile, and policy inconsistency, regulatory uncertainties, and industrial unrest are among the top deterrents. A protracted conflict with the refinery would erode confidence, stall expansion, and hurt Nigeria’s international credibility.
• The Public Interest Dimension
Nigeria is already grappling with the aftermath of subsidy removal, unstable electricity supply, and rising transportation costs. Any further disruption in petroleum product supply will inflict additional hardship on citizens. Fuel scarcity, price hikes, and inflation will erode disposable incomes and deepen poverty levels.
The unions must recognize that this battle is not only between them and Dangote but between narrow industrial interests and the collective survival of Nigerians. The national interest must prevail.
• The Way Forward: Constructive Engagement
Stopping the conflict does not mean silencing the unions. Rather, it requires adopting more constructive mechanisms for dispute resolution. Several pathways exist:
i. Tripartite Dialogue: The Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment can convene a tripartite forum involving the unions, Dangote management, and government regulators to mediate disputes.
ii. Arbitration and Mediation: Independent arbitration panels can resolve disagreements on union recognition, welfare packages, or safety concerns without recourse to strikes.
iii. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Negotiations: Instead of confrontation, unions can push for CSR projects, community benefits, and long-term staff development commitments.
iv. Phased Union Integration: If recognition is at the heart of the dispute, a gradual integration process could be negotiated to avoid sudden disruption.
• Conclusion
The fight between PENGASSAN, NUPENG, and the Dangote Refinery is not a private matter; it is a national issue with far-reaching implications. While the unions have legitimate concerns, their methods must not endanger Nigeria’s economic stability, job security, and energy independence.
A refinery that promises to save Nigeria billions in foreign exchange, stabilize fuel supply, and attract global investors should be protected, not sabotaged. For the sake of workers, investors, and citizens, this fight must stop—and constructive engagement must begin.
Dr James Aduku Odaudu is a development administrator, communication consultant and the CEO of Sunrise Media Limited. He can be reached at jamesaduku@gmail.com
Business
CHINESE COMPANY, HUAXIN BUYS $1BN STAKE IN LAFARGE
Published
2 months agoon
September 7, 2025By
SunriseSwiss cement maker Holcim will exit its Nigerian business through the sale of its nearly 84 per cent stake in Lafarge Africa to China’s Huaxin Cement, the firm announced in a statement on Sunday.
The sale price was $1bn for a 100 per cent stake.
It stated, “The sale aligns with Holcim’s strategy to streamline its portfolio and focus on high-growth regions, including the upcoming spin-off of its North American business, which remains on track for a US listing in the first half of 2025.
“The transaction is expected to close in 2025, subject to regulatory approval, according to Holcim’s statement, which did not provide further details on the reason for this specific sale.”
Huaxin Cement is a major player in Nigeria’s cement market following its acquisition of a controlling stake in Lafarge Africa, which was finalized in August 2025. This deal gave the Chinese company control of four cement plants with a combined production capacity of over 10 million tonnes per year.
Acquisition of Lafarge Africa
The deal: Huaxin Cement acquired the 83.81% shareholding of Lafarge Africa from the Swiss building materials giant Holcim.
Transaction value: The acquisition was valued at $1 billion on a 100% equity basis before dividend adjustments. However, adjustments due to dividends paid to Holcim between January 2024 and August 2025 revised the final transaction consideration to $773 million.
Strategic move: The acquisition provides Huaxin with a strong foothold in Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy and most populous country. The company views Nigeria as a key strategic pivot for its expansion into West Africa.
Assets and market position
Following the acquisition, Huaxin gained control of Lafarge Africa’s four large-scale cement plants, which have a combined annual production capacity of 10.6 million tons
Ewekoro and Sagamu: Located in the South-West region.
Mfamosing: Located in the South-South.
Ashaka: Located in the North-East.
The acquisition makes Huaxin Cement a formidable competitor to existing market leaders like Dangote Cement and BUA Cement.
Legal and market controversies
The takeover was met with some controversy in Nigeria:
Minority shareholder lawsuit: A Nigerian minority shareholder, Strategic Consultancy, has challenged the deal in court, alleging secrecy and claiming that local investors were not given the right of first refusal.
Share price discrepancy: The mandatory takeover offer (MTO) for the remaining shares was set at a lower price than Lafarge Africa’s trading price at the time, leaving it uncertain how minority shareholders would respond.
Parliamentary scrutiny: In March 2025, the Nigerian Senate debated the sale, with some lawmakers calling for government oversight to protect shareholder rights and ensure transparency.
Outlook
Despite the legal challenges, Huaxin is set to become a dominant force in the Nigerian cement market. The company has a history of acquiring assets from Holcim across Africa to fuel its global expansion and is now implementing its strategy in Nigeria. In September 2025, Huaxin announced it is considering restructuring its overseas assets to support further expansion and operational flexibility.
Economy
I Resigned as CEO of NNPCL, Not Sacked — Bayo Ojulari
Published
3 months agoon
August 3, 2025By
Sunrise
The former Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Mr. Bayo Ojulari, has opened up on the circumstances surrounding his resignation, citing internal resistance to reforms and entrenched interests as key reasons for his decision to step down.
Ojulari, who was appointed to lead NNPCL following the implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), said his vision for transforming the national oil company into a commercially viable and transparent institution was consistently undermined by vested interests.
According to him, “I accepted the role with the utmost belief in President Bola Tinubu’s vision for reforming Nigeria’s oil and gas sector. However, over time, it became clear that there were internal forces resistant to change. These interests placed personal gains above national progress, making it impossible to move the reforms forward.”
While his resignation surprised many within and outside the industry, Ojulari noted that he left with a clear conscience, having initiated critical internal audits, streamlined procurement processes, and pushed for transparency in operations.
He emphasized that he was not forced out, contrary to some media reports. “I wasn’t sacked. I resigned because I no longer had the freedom and institutional backing to drive the changes that were necessary. It would have been a betrayal of my own values to stay on and become part of a system I sought to reform,” he said.
During his tenure, Ojulari was credited with driving cost-efficiency initiatives, reviewing legacy contracts, and initiating the clean-up of NNPCL’s joint venture operations. However, these actions reportedly ruffled powerful feathers, both within and outside the corporation.
Industry stakeholders have expressed mixed reactions to his exit. Some commended him for taking a principled stand, while others questioned the timing of his resignation amid ongoing fuel subsidy and crude oil production challenges.
As speculations continue about his next move, Ojulari remains optimistic about Nigeria’s oil sector. “We have the capacity, the talent, and the resources. What we need is the will—political and institutional—to do what is right.”
The Federal Government is yet to announce his replacement. However, insiders say a shortlist of potential successors is already under review by the presidency.
Ojulari’s departure marks another shake-up in President Tinubu’s oil sector reforms, which have seen key leadership changes in the NNPCL since 2023
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