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Thoughts on Nigeria and Chinese Loans – Reuben Abati

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The relationship between Nigeria and China with regard to loans obtained from the latter to fund Nigeria’s infrastructural projects suddenly became a matter of legislative intervention and public scrutiny last week when the House of Representatives summoned the Minister of Transportation, the Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning and the Minister of Communications and Digital Economy to appear before it on August 17. The Ministers are expected to explain certain clauses in the Agreement signed between Nigeria and the Export-Import Bank of China with regard to a loan of $400 million for the country’s National Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Infrastructure Backbone Phase II Project. The agreement was signed in September 2018 by the Federal Ministry of Finance on behalf of Nigeria (the borrower). Nigeria’s lawmakers have raised eyebrows about a clause therein which waives Nigeria’s sovereign immunity if it defaults in its repayment plan.

The contentious clause is Article 8(1) which provides inter alia that “the borrower hereby irrevocably waives any immunity on the grounds of sovereign or otherwise for itself or its property in connection with any arbitration proceedings pursuant to Article 8(5) thereof with the enforcement of any arbitral award pursuant thereto, except for the military assets and diplomatic assets.” This has been interpreted to mean that Nigeria is in danger of losing its sovereignty to China.

The opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has seized upon it to proclaim that it has been vindicated because it has always argued that the mission of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) has always been to mortgage the future of Nigeria. PDP Presidential candidate in the 2019 General elections, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, quickly added that Nigeria faces the risk of embracing the fate of Zambia with regard to Chinese loans. Groups and stakeholders in civil society, including lawyers and the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Group (SERAP) have asked that all agreements ever signed between Nigeria and China should be brought forward and subjected to close scrutiny, just in case any government official either out of ignorance or incompetence has committed Nigeria to a debt-trap, to the disadvantage of future generations.

From the government’s side, the only man who has spoken up is Rotimi Amaechi, the Minister of Transportation, but his explanations do not seem to address the issue. He says for example, that the waiver of immunity in the agreement is merely “a contract term”, a sovereign guarantee. Nobody is convinced. Amaechi and his colleagues who have been summoned by the House of Representatives would have to do much better than that. Nigerians no longer trust their government when it comes to international agreements. The quoted Article 5(1) in the said agreement with the Export and Import Bank of China rings too familiar and too topical in the light of recent revelations about the handling of Nigeria’s agreement with a certain Process & Industrial Development (P&ID). In that case, still on-going, a sum of $9.6 billion is still pending against Nigeria, just because some Nigerian officials signed an agreement that put the country into trouble.

Now, again, in the case of China, the aforementioned Article 8(1) refers to such words as “arbitration”, “property”, “enforcement of arbitral award”. These are the same key words in the P&ID case. Hence, additional questions need to be raised about the Chinese agreement: who signed the agreement? Was due diligence carried out? Was Nigeria thrown under the bus by the negotiators as has been alleged in the P&ID case? Ordinarily, a waiver of sovereign immunity does not mean that China will take over the running of Nigeria. Sovereign immunity is a principle in customary international law which simply means that a state cannot be pushed around by another state without its own consent to be so treated, in a foreign court. Hence, in every agreement that may go to arbitration, there is usually an agreement as to the place of arbitration and other details.

What exactly did Nigeria sign up to on September 5, 2018 with the China EXIM bank? To the extent that the Nigerian people have a right to know, I am convinced that the House of Representatives is in order to raise the questions before us.

To go further, the various stakeholders who have asked for a proper audit of all agreements with China are definitely aware of how the $6.6 Billion judgment against Nigeria which became $9.6 billion (because of accrued interest) in the P&ID case poses a serious risk to the country’s economic survival. They are also probably aware that there are similar cases relating to lack of due diligence in the signing of agreements that Nigeria is also grappling with. This includes the international arbitration in Paris with Sunrise Power and Transmission Company over the Mambilla Hydro Power Plant. Sunrise went to arbitration accusing the Nigerian government of breaching a 2003 agreement when it granted a separate contract to Chinese companies. The same Export-Import Bank of China was on the sidelines of that agreement. I understand the matter has been resolved but 17 years after the initial agreement, the country is yet to make any significant progress with the Mambilla Hydro which if things had progressed as scheduled would have emerged as the second largest hydro power plant in the whole of Africa. In this case, as in others, Nigeria remains behind because some characters failed to do the right thing. Similarly, the Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited which was meant to be a game-changer for Nigeria’s industrial growth process, was also held down for years by disagreements over agreements and a prolonged legal tussle between the Federal Government and a company called Global Infrastructure Nigeria Limited (GINL). Ajaokuta Steel is a living archetype of how all good intentions in Nigeria fail. In one word, legal tussles and arbitral disputes over contracts, obligations and commercial agreements have over the years, exposed the failure of public policy and the incompetence of state officials in Nigeria.

Minister Amaechi is concerned that if the same controversy is brought to the door-step of the Chinese, they may simply refuse to provide necessary loans for the Ibadan-Kano rail line. Amaechi appeals to the patriotic instincts of Nigerian lawmakers: he wants them to suspend all further enquiries until Nigeria gets an additional $5.3 billion from the Chinese. He means well no doubt, he wants Nigeria to get that Chinese money that Nigeria needs, but in his appeal lies the bigger question about Sino-Africa relations, and the place and conduct of African leaders within that matrix.

Amaechi is certainly an admirer of China’s romance with Africa. He begs his own country’s parliament to “mechionu” as Igbos would say, so Nigeria can get more Chinese money and sign more agreements. Someone needs to tell Rotimi Amaechi that Nigeria’s engagement with China cannot and should not be reduced to an Abiriba, Aba, or Alaba market transaction business model: “my brother, bring money make we do business, chop together.” But he is not alone. Many African leaders are like that and as they engage China, they fail to look at the sub-text.

In the 70s, China was far behind many African countries. I grew up in a country where any product that was made in China or Taiwan was derisively dismissed. China and Taiwan were the standard euphemisms for fakery, inferiority and cheapness. In those days, Nigerians talked about the British Standard (BS). Nigeria’s economy was doing well. The Naira was at par with the pounds sterling. Nigerians travelling to London on Fridays aboard Nigeria Airways, stopped by at Liverpool market and the Main street and spent money as if it was going out of business as a legal tender. This was the age of the oil boom. No Nigerian would touch anything Chinese. I grew up being told that anything Chinese or Taiwan does not last. Even when this COVID-19 break-out began, I heard some older Nigerians insisting that if indeed the virus originated from China, it would not last, because nothing that comes from China can be relied upon. Unfortunately, China pulled itself up by the boot-straps. China re-invented itself while other countries either went to sleep or became complacent. It is ironic that today, Nigeria adores China. In our class at the University of Maryland, College Park, 1996 -97, in an American Foreign Policy Process class taught by Hodding Carter III, in the Department of Government and Politics, we read a book titled “The Coming Conflict with China”. That conflict then was at best hypothetical. Today, it is a reality. China is one country that has leap-frogged into the future in an unimaginable manner. The emergent conflict between China and the Western world will be the most definitive factor of this century and the next to come. Africa and the developing world are both at the centre of that conflict.

With China thus on the ascendancy, its leaders defined for that country, broad geo-political ambitions. With the West in retreat and increasingly navel-gazing, protectionist and isolationist, China launched a muscular approach to foreign policy with its Belt and Road Way Initiative through which it sought to engage developing economies by way of financial support through loans and grants. The focus has been so far, infrastructural development but there is a lot more in there. Strategically, therefore, long before COVID-19, China tried to fill a vacuum that Western nations created. As Western creditors prescribed more and more stringent conditions for bilateral and multilateral loans, China offered cheap, easy and accessible alternative financing arrangements: interest-free government to government credits, and preferential loans from China EXIM and the China Development Bank. The latter, that is preferential loans, represents the bulk of China’s overseas lending. Developing countries were over-excited. They swooped on China’s offers like bees after nectar. Today, China is the world’s largest creditor to the developing world. Since 2008, China has been Africa’s main trading partner. There is even now in place, a Forum

Nobody saw the catch, and countries were caught flat-footed. China has been accused of debt-trap diplomacy. Many countries embraced that diplomacy with their hands tied behind their backs and today, their countries are in the throes of debt servitude. China gives but it takes! China helped Sri Lanka to build the port of Hambantota. Both countries signed an agreement, similar to the one Nigeria signed with the Export-Import Bank of China. Today, China runs that port with Chinese personnel. In Djibouti, the Chinese are in charge of the ports too, just because Djibouti borrowed money it could not pay back. In Zambia, for similar reasons, China is now controlling the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (in other words, China is in charge of mind control in Zambia). China is also planning to take over the Zambia National Electricity Company. Djibouti took loans from China to build a new port and two new airports, Unable to repay its loans, China has also taken over a part of Djibouti’s sovereign rights and possession of its new port, and has since set up in that country, its first military overseas base. There have been issues as well, with China’s relations with Kenya, Democratic Republic of Congo and other African countries.

But should we blame China?

Whatever travails developing countries may have gone through in the hands of China, in the form of damages to their sovereignty, we must all agree on certain basic points. One, “there is no free lunch”. China is not offering anyone a free lunch. Its cheap loans are tied to its own strategic interests in the world. African nations are the ones submitting themselves as pawns to China’s global strategic agenda. African leaders are most certainly complicit. Two, “when you borrow, you pay”. Chinese negotiators are often focused. If you don’t pay in cash, you will pay in kind. The Chinese only give out their loans even under the Belt and Road Initiative to countries that have something to offer in return. Many developing countries are so economically narrow and badly managed, they end up giving up national resources for borrowed funds that translate into debt servitude. Three, and this is the worst part, is that Chinese loans are often opaque. This is one of the reasons China is not a member of the Paris Club. It may have committed to the G-20 process on the moratorium for debt service re-payments for example, but China has stubbornly refused to participate in data calls. It is the biggest player in Africa’s infrastructure boom but it may never disclose the full details.

China’s influence in Africa even runs far deeper. In Nigeria, that influence has gone beyond loan agreements that touch on sovereign rights to an increasing ubiquity of Chinese presence in Nigerian lives. It is so real that the Chinese have now taken over a rather complicated business chain in the country from manufacturing to retail, including internet services, hospitality, car sales and ride hailing services. One of these days, we may wake up to see a Chinese roasting corn by the road-side in Nigeria, properly licensed to do so!

Nigerian lawmakers have a responsibility to shout out about Nigeria’s sovereignty, and the integrity of agreements with China or others. We certainly don’t want to hear that a certain Amaechi has signed off Nigeria’s Presidential Villa to the Chinese to get cheap loans to build a rail line to Port Harcourt! If that were to be the case, the Chinese will take over that Villa and like P&ID, look at us all in the face, talk about the sanctity of agreements, and dare Nigeria to go to the court of international arbitration. The onus is on Amaechi and co to tell us what we need to know. The Chinese knee is on our necks today, simply because our leaders have failed to lead us aright.

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Aviation

Singapore: A Model For Aviation-Led Economic Growth

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By Anthony Kila

Singapore, an island nation, is a small country with limited natural resources that has gained recognition as a global economic powerhouse. Unlike many of its Southeast Asian neighbours, Singapore lacks natural resources such as oil, gas, miner­als, or substantial agricultural land.

The country serves as practical evidence that overcoming geographical and other challenges is achievable through strategic vision, effective governance, strong institu­tions, and a commitment to innovation. It remains a role model for nations striving to achieve economic success without relying on natural resources.

Singapore’s journey began with its inde­pendence in 1965 and included significant challenges such as its small land area (only 728 square kilometres today), limited access to raw materials for industry, a growing but predominantly unskilled population, and a heavy reliance on imports for food, water, and energy

Students of developmental studies recog­nise that Singapore’s journey to becoming an economically prosperous nation began with and continues to focus on human capital de­velopment. The country swiftly established world-class universities and research insti­tutes while implementing policies to attract global talent to address its skills and knowl­edge gaps. Additionally, it positioned itself as a business-friendly nation with free trade policies, low taxes, and transparent regula­tions, making it home to nearly 5,000 global corporate regional headquarters today. The Singapore Stock Exchange (SGX) and its bank­ing sector are among the strongest in Asia.

These general factors have made Singapore prosperous and continue to rank it highly in global indices. Today, let us look at a specific sector that has significantly contributed to Singapore’s growth and status: aviation.

Singapore is a model for aviation-led eco­nomic growth by all standards, demonstrating how strategic investment in airports, airlines, and aviation-related industries can drive na­tional development.

Offshore, numerous countries can learn from Singapore how to effectively harness avi­ation to foster economic prosperity through trade, tourism, business, and innovation by de­veloping world-class infrastructure, investing in its national airline, and positioning itself as a global logistics hub.

With an estimated 2.64 million working adults aged 20 to 64, the aviation sector pro­vides jobs for nearly 200,000 individuals. Any sector that can employ nearly one in ten indi­viduals in any society is worth considering an asset to be monitored and fiercely protected

These achievements do not happen by chance. As Khaw Boon Wan, a former Minis­ter for Transport, proudly and rightly noted, “Singapore has positioned itself as a leading aviation hub, not by chance, but through stra­tegic planning and continuous investment in infrastructure and technology.

Changi Airport in Singapore

The Changi Airport has been intentionally designed to function as a global hub. It accom­modates over 68 million passengers annually and connects more than 100 airlines to 400 cit­ies worldwide. Furthermore, it is recognised as one of the best airports in the world and is celebrated for its efficiency, innovation, and passenger experience. The International Air Transport Association (IATA), the premier airline trade association established in 1945, describes Changi Airport as a “world-class example of how airports can seamlessly blend efficiency, technology, and passenger experience.”

The emphasis on logistics and trade is noteworthy for those eager to learn. Changi’s cargo operations are a cornerstone of region­al and global trade, positioning Singapore as an international logistics centre. The airport contributes approximately 5% to Singapore’s GDP. Three key aspects of Changi Airport are its commitment to continuous maintenance, innovation, and expansion.

In some circles, it is often said that a coun­try requires three things to be a country: a na­tional territory, a national flag, and a national airline. Singapore Airlines (SIA), the country’s national carrier, is now a premium service airline that effectively flies the country’s flag worldwide and brings people to its territory by promoting tourism and business travel. It is also recognised as one of the best airlines in the world.

To achieve and maintain all these goals, SIA remains continuously committed to strategic partnerships with alliances such as Star Alliance, which enhance connectiv­ity and competitiveness. Aviation Week, an authoritative publication in the sector, noted that “Singapore Airlines represents the gold standard in aviation, where service excellence meets innovation.

Aviation in Singapore is more than just the transportation of people and cargo; the coun­try also serves as a hub for Maintenance, Re­pair, and Overhaul (MRO) services, as well as aerospace development. Singapore accounts for over 10% of the global aviation MRO mar­ket and is home to major aerospace firms, with companies like Rolls-Royce, ST Engineering, and Pratt & Whitney operating large facili­ties there. A deliberate and rigorous effort has been made to invest in research and de­velopment (R&D) initiatives and innovative aviation training programmes that nurture and develop a skilled workforce

The Singaporean aviation model for eco­nomic growth showcases a compelling pub­lic-private partnership story that many off­shore can and should learn from. Singapore’s aviation success arises from strategic collabo­rations between the public and private sectors. In addition to the government, the key players in Singapore’s aviation include airlines, retail companies, real estate developers, and general investors, whose interests and skills interact to effectively balance government support, pri­vate sector efficiency, and global competitive­ness. This model has driven economic growth, created jobs, and positioned Singapore as an international aviation leader.

Some initiatives generated by the pub­lic-private partnership include terminal ex­pansions (T3, T4, and T5) at Changi Airport, funded through private-sector investments and government support. Another project is Jewel Changi Airport, which opened in 2019. It is a $ 1.7 billion joint venture between Changi Airport Group and CapitaLand, a real estate giant. Jewel Changi Airport combines retail, entertainment, and aviation services

In the Singaporean aviation narrative, the government’s most significant contributions that public policymakers should consider are its strategic vision and the resulting policies that foster growth and development. For in­stance, the Changi Aviation Hub initiative is a deliberate long-term strategy to enhance Singapore’s role as a leading aviation hub and position the country as a major economic force. In the words of Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore, “Changi Airport is not just an airport; it is a symbol of Singapore’s ambition and commitment to excellence.

Investments supported this vision, but in­vestment alone is insufficient; policies like the open skies policy, which encourages interna­tional airlines to operate in Singapore, thereby enhancing competition and connectivity, have also been introduced. An aspect that cannot be overstated in the Singaporean model is the importance of focusing on sustainabili­ty goals. In their effort to ensure they are not left behind in any area of development and to assert their cutting-edge status, policymakers and managers in Singapore’s aviation sector are highly focused on green aviation, includ­ing sustainable fuels and eco-friendly airport operations

For those intending to learn and under­stand how aviation can extend beyond fer­rying goods and people, Singapore is worth considering as a model for aviation-led eco­nomic growth.

Join me if you can, @anthonykila, to continue these conversations.

 

* Anthony Kila is a Jean Monnet Professor of Strategy and Development at the Commonwealth Institute of Advanced and Professional Studies

 

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Economy

TAX REFORM BILLS: THE NORTH MUST MODERNISE ANYHOW

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By Abdullahi Ismaila Ahmad, Ph.D.

The tax reform bills recently sent to the National Assembly by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, have generated controversies over the past weeks. Many commentators have expressed their views in support of the bills or against some of their provisions. The Northern Region has expressed vehement objection to the bills. They are against the bills because, in their views, the bills are entirely or partly anti-north. Given most of the observations and the pros and cons of the arguments advanced by the various commentators, it is pertinent to say that whatever views are advanced by the Northern stakeholders, the truth that must be told is that Northern Nigeria must yield itself to the full extent of modernisation, anyhow and soonest. The tax bills will invariably switch a region like the North out of its encrusted traditional and provincial life patterns.

There is no need to regurgitate the controversial issues around the tax reform bills as they are already in the public domain, and much has been said about them thus far. However, three keywords about the VAT derivation model proposed in the tax bills should form the cornerstone of deliberations and whatever decisions may be taken afterwards by the Northern stakeholders. These signature words are production, consumption, and competition.

The Value Added Tax (VAT) is described as a consumption tax. However, before consumption occurs, there must be production, whether in goods or services. Therefore, production is a key factor in any consideration or discussion of the Value Added Tax. Our rudimentary economic class tells us that factors of production are land, capital, labour, and entrepreneurship, which are the building blocks of any economy. Any society that desires economic progress will not take these factors of production for granted. Without mincing words, these production factors are abundant in Northern Nigeria, almost to the point of waste. One would expect that the North will have no issue with production, which invariably gives rise to consumption.

As an output of the production process, consumption depends on the purchasing parity of a people and their cultural tastes. Nonetheless, consumption can happen away from the point where goods and services are produced. It is expected, however, that both production and consumption can occur at the same place, thereby enriching the economy of that particular place. This is because trading and commerce will enhance people’s purchasing parity. Without mincing words, Northern Nigeria is essentially a consumption society but with the potential to be a producing economy. It must embrace progressive ideas and modernisation to harness its full economic potential.

This is where competition comes in. There is competition in every aspect of our lives, from the products and services being churned out daily to how societies employ strategies to grow their economies. This makes every society think progressively and forecast the future. No society lays back or indulges in wastefulness or a careless lifestyle and expects to be at par with other societies that have moved on the fast pedestal of development.

The pertinent question to ask at this juncture is why Lagos has suddenly become the envy of the entire nineteen northern states. What does Lagos state have that all northern states do not have or cannot have? The answer to the second question is that Lagos state has painstakingly embraced the full extent of modernisation through its deliberate policy planning and execution, it has embraced technology, industrialisation, financial inclusiveness and wealth creation strategies. Northerners are among those who made Lagos State what it is today with their massive investment there.

The point being emphasised here is that the VAT derivation formula being proposed by the tax bills should also be seen as a wake-up call for the Northern stakeholders and political establishment to stir the region out of its slumber and decipher these salient issues dredged up by the bills and quickly embrace the imperative of modernisation. Modernisation does not mean only the erection of skyscrapers, the construction of flyovers, or paved motorways. Suppose we have all these, by all means, okay. In other words, modernisation refers to a reformation of habits, which W. H. Auden refers to as a ‘change of heart’, which is not simple. In this regard, modernisation ‘is the reshaping and resharing social values, such as power, respect, rectitudes, affection, well-being skill, and enlightenment’. This is to say that the Northern leadership and political establishment must change its old ways of engaging with the people and the society. It must change its way of perceiving reality to begin to understand that leadership is an instrument for improving the conditions of a people, not a tool for manipulating them. It must wake up to an understanding that modern life is about competition, progress, and overcoming challenges that improve the condition of a people. It’s not about rhetoric and hyperbole.

The Northern political establishment must develop a mindset that comprehends the reality that governance is about service to the people, building capacities, developing human resources, bettering the living conditions of a people, and challenging the environment to yield its potential for the growth of the society. Indeed, governance should not be approached as a private fiefdom, a personal estate for a wilful distribution of privileges and patronage. For too long, the Northern political establishment has held down its people in poverty to authenticate its affluence and influence, thereby closing the space for more engaging and productive ideas and wealth creation. That’s why the political class would instead purchase bicycles, coffins, grains, wheelbarrows, and other mundane items purportedly as empowerment when politicians from different regions build their people on ICT and technology pedestals and build food security hubs and other progressive ideas.

The change of attitude required of the Northern political establishment should be the type that will lead to an organisation of economic activities, automation of business transactions, creative development of natural resources, and development of human resources through restructuring of education system and manpower training. W. W. Rostow states that for a society to sustain economic growth by its autonomous operations, ‘it must be effectively geared to the skills and values of the people who make it work’. That is to say that people’s entrepreneurial skills and values of hard work, industry, and resilience must be sharpened and attuned to the demands of modern life. Small and medium enterprises abound in the North. Still, they require uplifting through capital incentives like access to interest-free loans and other grants and enabling environment such as electricity, potable water supply, access roads to agricultural belts, etc. For example, through loans and grants, business owners can be encouraged to develop a value chain in their business lines and offer jobs to unemployed youth.

On automation, it’s essential that state governments in the North also recognise the role of technology in business transactions. Globally, technology is being used to drive revenue collection. Today, the record-breaking revenue collected by the FIRS is made possible because of the massive investment in technology allied with administrative finesse. Therefore, automation of tax payment processes is the norm everywhere. Automation can be done right from the point of business registration, where the data of a business owner can be collected and included in the financial or fiscal process.

Most importantly, this automation option becomes more compelling with the proposed derivation method of sharing VAT. In terms of consumption, it’s unarguable that soft drinks like 7UP, Fanta, Coca-Cola, Mirinda, Sprite, etc, are widely consumed in the remotest part of the North. In the North, soft drinks equate to the liquor in the South. To be able to appropriate VAT from these drinks and other goods like indomine, pasta, sugar, cement, etc, an automation process needs to be implemented to track how VAT is charged at the wholesale distribution point. This is what is referred to as the output VAT.

Regarding the input VAT, deliberate policy can be made to create a value chain in producing and processing products like rice, yams, vegetables, and fruits. In other words, instead of selling the products in their raw forms, state governments should encourage investors to set up factories to create value chains necessary for generating the required revenue. Given its large population, the North can gain more from the consumption-based VAT method if a deliberate strategy is implemented to optimise the process of output VAT.

There is nowhere in the proposed VAT law explicitly stating that the 60% proposed is entirely and exclusively for Lagos state. The presumption that the VAT proposal will favour only Lagos state is just a figment of the imagination of those peddling the sentiment, which stems from a feeling of inadequacy. The clause says, ‘wherever the consumption of goods and services takes place’ will be given the percentage of the VAT it generates from the earmarked 60% of the overall monthly VAT volume generated. So, the onus on every state and region is to put its act together to track and authenticate the VAT it generates. Instead of lamenting or expressing the sentiment about Lagos getting the large share of the VAT, it behoves the North to look inward to harness its potential and organise its economic activities. Northern states must wake up to the challenge and stop the lamentations. The North has a population; it has all the factors of production, and it is equally endowed with natural resources to be ahead of other regions. So, why the panic?

Talking about natural resources, there is a concentration of mineral resources in the North like lithium, uranium, talc, limestone, gold, and even black gold and a host of others to make it able to establish companies and industries for the manufacture and production of all kinds of goods and services. And so, the North is not a poor region as it is being iterated; it is just reeling in misplaced priorities and elite complacency. As it were, if the North had kept to the trajectory of the examples set by Sardauna and Balewa who set up viable business ventures and strategic institutions, built manpower, and laid solid economic framework for the future, all of which have now gone with the winds, it won’t be crying wolf now. However, what it requires now is the political will and negotiation skills necessary in politics to turn things around for the better. To be sure, politics is about negotiation over scarce resources. Therefore, the sharper your negotiation skills are, your chances of gaining a competitive advantage in a political arrangement will increase.

For instance, what stops the North from negotiating a tax credit scheme to revamp the moribund textile industries in the North? Why did the North allow the Bank of the North to be taken over? Why didn’t the Northern political establishment say anything about the stoppage of the dredging of the River Niger and the abandonment of the Baro Port? What happened to its cotton potential and the ginnery enterprises? What is it doing with the vast water bodies and arable land? So many questions, indeed.

The VAT debacle has provided the North an opportunity for negotiation and introspection. The present atmosphere of regional competition makes the matter even more enjoyable. Therefore, the North must muster every skill to get a better deal out of this debacle and seize this moment to modernise its social and economic institutions for more financial inclusiveness and overall economic growth. This is a time to change the old habits and embrace progressive ideas. It is instructive how the North raised its voice in unison to object to the Tax Reform Bills. It is equally expedient for the North to rise in unison against the spate of insecurity bedevilling the entire region. Let the Governors, the Emirs, the Ulamas, and the whole people equally give marching orders to their legislators in the National Assembly, as they did on the tax reform bills, to end the insecurity in the region.

Let the North rise against the misplacement of governance priorities and begin to chart the course of modernisation. As recently suggested by the immediate past Executive Chairman of FIRS, Muhammad Nami, the North must take the issue of financial inclusiveness seriously to be able to move on the same pedestal with the other regions of the country. There are probably billions of naira circulating in the North outside the banking system because the handlers detest bank interest. Indeed, the North has no other option but to start modernising now.

For instance, what stops the Northern stakeholders from using diplomatic instruments to get Middle Eastern banks like Al Rajhi to set up branches in key Northern states’ capitals to attract those outside the banking system to bank their money? It must be stressed that transactions through the banking system and the embrace of the BVN and NIN, which ensure that everybody is captured in the National Database and the overall fiscal construct of the country, are no longer optional; it should be considered obligatory on everybody, whether young or old, educated or not. Therefore, the North must shift away from the traditional way of doing business and tax collection to a more financially inclusive way to benefit from the VAT windfall.

Abdullahi Ismaila Ahmad, Ph.D. is the

Director, Communications & Liaison Department, Federal Inland Revenue Service

 

 

 

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Economy

Fuel Fiasco as Metaphor for Governance

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By Dele Sobowale

 

…“If they go about solving the problem this way, how many more problems will they have created by the time they are through” -James Baldwin, 1924-1987, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p201, available online.

By any objective measure known to adults globally, what we have on our hands with regard to fuel problem is a fiasco. You cannot ask any of those in control of our fate in this regard a straight question and receive a reliable answer. Two Presidents, the Minister of Petroleum, the Minister of State for Petroleum, the Minister of Finance, the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, the Debt Management Office, DMO, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, all the regulatory commissions and agencies of government. The conspiracy of falsehood started since the Dangote Refinery was nearing, but still far from, completion in March 2023.

As many Nigerian observers will recollect, President Buhari commissioned the Dangote Refinery using the language that gave the impression that fuel production would start within a few months. We now know the truth. Buhari and Dangote just wanted the former President to be the one to have his name on the refinery plaque instead of his successor. Among the promises made or implied were the following: The refinery would end fuel scarcity and queues at filling stations; it would crash the price of petrol which was about N180 per litre at the time and create 150,000 jobs-directly or indirectly. The impression was also given that Nigeria’s four refineries would be resuscitated to complement the Dangote Refinery supply; and, government would no longer dictate fuel price. It all sounded great then; but my Fellow Nigerians have failed to understand one abiding truth.

“Every government is run by liars; and nothing they say should be believed” – I. F. Stone, 1907-1989, VBQ p80.

Of all the entries in my book of quotations, this I perhaps the one most frequently used; and for easily demonstrable reasons. In Nigeria and elsewhere in the world, the totally honest politician is almost impossible to find. Since politicians run for office, the electorate in every country is condemned to choosing between all the available dissemblers running for office. That, however, is in even a so-called democracy. In totalitarian regimes, the people are destined to accepting the falsehood published by their captors. Nigerian politicians are not the worst by any means; in fact they are better than those in Cameroon or Afghanistan. When it comes to peddling untruths, they are ranking amateurs. That is why what they say is so often easy to disprove – as in the issue of petroleum resources and fuel. Everything that was said by virtually everybody in government and the private sector providers had turned out to be false.

WAS DANGOTE REFINERY ESTABLISHED TO STOP IMPORTATION?

“I am beginning to wonder how many fools it takes to make the term ‘My Fellow Citizens’” – Honore de Balzac, 1799-1850, in LOST ILLUSIONS.

Most of the 220 million Nigerians alive today are not in any way better than their forefathers. Ask anybody if there was free education in the old Western Region?

And, ninety-nine per cent of the time, the answer would be “yes”. I thought so too until August 1964 when I took my Economics la Course at the university in the US. The lecturer would usually start his first class by telling a story which I will repeat below. A young prince, 12, became king when his father, just 40, suddenly died. Not wanting to make terrible mistakes in governance, the monarch gathered all the leading experts in every field – including economics – and instructed them to summarise the ideas, principles, laws etc in their fields. All returned three months after with truckloads of documents; which overwhelmed the poor youth. He asked for further reductions. They returned with twenty four pages of Executive Summary. Finally, like all those with absolute power; he ordered that the ideas be reduced to one sentence. The economists quickly put their heads together and the leader raised his hand; after being recognised he pronounced: “There is no such thing as a free lunch.” For that matter, there is no such thing as free education, free health service and there should be no free ride on highways. I raised my hand out of ignorance to state categorically that “there is free education in the Western Region of Nigeria, Sir.” Dr Cohen looked up; and said:

“You are the third Nigerian who would repeat that statement in my class. How many more fools are there in your country; who cannot distinguish between ‘free and public education?’ What is practised in Nigeria is public education, just like several countries in the world. The taxpayers are paying for that gimmick.” I would have gladly crawled into a hole if one had opened up. I learnt a simple economic principle the hard way. Later, in the third year, I received another knock on the head to drive home a truth which has escaped many Nigerians today. The professor teaching Business and Economy, when opening the section on ‘Entrepreneurship’, would kick off by announcing that the capitalist investor is motivated primarily by his desire to make as much money as possible.

He does not start a business for any other reason. That is why it was at first amusing, and later alarming, to me when several self-deluded Nigerians, including President Buhari, the CBN Governor, financial/economic analysts and commentators, assumed that the Dangote Refinery was being established to stop fuel importation, to create jobs and to grow the Gross Domestic Product, GDP, of Nigeria. Starting with that fallacy, they quickly jumped to the fatal conclusion that Dangote must be given 100 per cent support to achieve his objectives; apparently without regard to the individual and collective interests of “Fellow Nigerians”. Well, the Dangote Refinery is here. Why then are we paying N1, 200/litre for petrol which we fetched for N180/litre before it was established? I must have been one of the few Nigerians who knew right from the beginning that Nigerians were being taken for an unpleasant ride. For reasons I don’t now want to disclose, it is my candid view that the establishment of Dangote Refinery is not the salvation we expected. Most certainly, it will not crash fuel price as expected

 

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2024/11/fuel-fiasco-as-metaphor-for-governance-by-dele-sobowale/

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