By Abdullahi O Haruna Haruspice

Former President Muhammadu Buhari is not just an enigma; he is a mystery that has defied the normal parameters of political comprehension. He is the kind of phenomenon that philosophers refer to as the noumenon—the reality that exists beyond sensory perception, unknowable yet powerfully felt. Cloaked in silence, his mystique grows in absence. He does not announce his presence; he allows it to be discovered—often too late, or never completely.

It’s been two years since Buhari vacated the seat of power, and yet his influence—contrary to political logic—has not diminished. Rather, like a magnetic element activated by distance, he has grown more attractive, more revered, more commanding. His Daura home became a sanctuary for political pilgrims until recently, when he relocated to his Kaduna residence. But instead of the stream of visitors waning, it has turned into a flood. Heads of serving and former government functionaries now troop to Kaduna with urgency, their visits shrouded in the familiar opacity that defines Buhari’s entire political journey.

But what are they looking for?

The question itself suggests the answer. They are not looking for Buhari the man—they are searching for Buhari the myth. In a country where silence is often more potent than speech, Buhari’s post-presidential reclusion is not a retreat—it is a statement. And the statement is this: power, in Nigeria, does not die. It only migrates. And sometimes, it hides in plain sight.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the quintessential political strategist, is the visible heir of Nigeria’s contemporary power architecture. His long walk from kingmaker to king was not accidental—it was designed. Calculated. Earned through decades of network-building, coalition-brokering, and mastery of political machinery. He is the antithesis of Buhari in temperament but not in trajectory. Where Buhari was aloof, Tinubu is engaged. Where Buhari preferred stillness, Tinubu dances on the chessboard. But scratch the surface, and the lines begin to blur.

Both men are bound by a common destiny—an overlapping shadow that neither has tried to escape. Buhari’s administration ended, but his aura did not. Tinubu’s began with a roaring mandate, but it carries echoes of the past that cannot be ignored. In the corridors of power, whispers persist that the past president still holds sway—not in decrees or directives, but in influence, in symbolic legitimacy, in the simple act of being Buhari.

When ministers, governors, and party chieftains make their way to Kaduna, it is not just nostalgia that drives them. It is calculation. It is political instinct. It is the eternal quest for alignment with the unseen hand. Tinubu may sit at the helm, but even he knows that power in Nigeria is not a straight line. It is a circle of rituals, loyalties, debts, and shadows.

And therein lies the paradox: Buhari’s silence speaks, while Tinubu’s actions echo. One operates from the margins, the other from the center—but both form the nucleus of Nigeria’s evolving political metaphysics.

The truth is, Buhari and Tinubu are no longer just individuals. They are dual realities—inseparable, co-dependent, each shaping the other’s meaning. To understand Tinubu’s reign is to understand Buhari’s withdrawal. To decode Buhari’s quietude is to grasp the complexity of Tinubu’s assertiveness. One is the unmoved mover, the other the dynamic executor. But both remain forces—different in form, united in function.

This is why the Kaduna pilgrimage will continue. Because in Nigerian politics, clarity rarely comes from official channels. It comes from signs, from symbols, from the spaces between what is said and what is done. And Buhari, the silent philosopher-king, remains Nigeria’s most potent symbol of power deferred but not diminished.

In the end, one thing is certain: President Muhammadu Buhari will not jump ship. He will align and sustain the aspirations of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, no matter the stormy realities ahead. Buhari is Tinubu, because Buhari is consistent in character and conviction. The day he lifted Tinubu’s hand and handed him the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential flag at the primaries was the day he submitted intoto his support for Asiwaju. That gesture was not just symbolic—it was spiritual, strategic, and deeply loyal. And loyalty, for Buhari, is not a costume. It is core.

Realistically musing

By YAShuaib

It’s shocking and laughable that ruling parties, which barely secured victories in gubernatorial elections, are now winning local government council elections by landslides.

In some states, even parties that had never won elections are sweeping council seats, often at the behest of influential governors seeking to undermine their political rivals. For instance, Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State exemplifies how to win elections despite lacking support from traditional power brokers.

The abuse of local government councils by state governors in Nigeria is a pressing concern that threatens the very foundation of our democratic structure. While the Federal Government ensures timely disbursement of funds to all tiers of government through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), the reality is that many governors exert undue control over local government resources. This is particularly evident in the misuse of the State Local Government Joint Accounts (SLGJA), which, though intended to streamline funding, often become instruments of financial manipulation at the state level.

Recognising that the Federal Government guarantees each tier of government its statutory allocations, state governors have no legitimate reason to deny local councils their rightful share. This was underscored by the landmark Supreme Court ruling on July 11, 2024, which mandated direct federal allocation for elected councils to curb gubernatorial interference in local government finances.

However, with limited access to local government revenue after the ruling, many governors swiftly orchestrated elections to consolidate control over council positions and finances. The predictable results have seen ruling parties dominate the polls in nearly every state. These so-called “victories” do little to inspire confidence, as the elected officials often act as mere extensions of gubernatorial power.

The lack of genuine competition is hardly surprising, given that the governor’s appointees manage each State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). The recent wave of local elections follows a clear pattern: handpicked candidates of the preferred parties consistently win and easily claim the titles of LG chairpersons and councillors through questionable processes, often coordinated behind the scenes by the governors.

While one might expect an outcry over the shambolic LG elections, only a few voices have raised concerns. The election observation group Yiaga Africa recently highlighted the troubling development and recommended civic education, genuine competition and a transparent electoral process. Unfortunately, the entrenched realities make these ideals’ recommendations almost unattainable.

These actions of some of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faced pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy of governors in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldn’t the president do the same at the national level?

Sadly, disobedience to court orders and manipulation of local judges are similarly rampant at the state level, rendering adjudications predictable. For instance, some state-controlled courts of justice, which handle local matters—including traditional issues and chieftaincy titles—function as extensions of their governors, lacking genuine impartiality and integrity.

The stronghold of governors on local governance is unmistakable, surpassing the President’s influence over state administrations as they wield significant control despite judicial efforts to safeguard local autonomy.”

Meanwhile, under Tinubu’s federal administration, the Supreme Court has acted as an independent arbiter, often favouring opposition parties. For instance, following the last general elections and rulings of tribunals, the apex court upheld the victories of opposition candidates, including Governor Abba Yusuf of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau, and Governor Alex Otti of the Labour Party (LP) in Abia among others.

While the Supreme Court’s mandate for direct funding is a positive step, governors’ continued dominance over local governments is still apparent. Yet, the Federal Government continues the transparent disbursements of statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate such by ensuring local governments receive their fair share of internally generated revenue (IGR) without also encroaching on their legitimate federal allocations

The conduct of governors may have set a worrying precedent and questioned their commitment to fiscal federalism and the principles of local governance.

I strongly urge the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, and the Finance Minister, Mr. Wale Edun, to take decisive action to protect local governments’ administrative and financial rights. They must implement mechanisms to ensure local councils have political autonomy and receive their financial entitlements without the risk of misappropriation by state authorities.

Local governments must be granted full political and economic autonomy to function effectively as the grassroots arm of governance. The future of our democratic governance hinges on the equitable treatment of all tiers of government, ensuring that local councils can genuinely serve their communities with the resources they rightfully deserve.

For Nigeria’s democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent.

The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.

If citizens remain silent on recent flawed local elections conducted by some state governments, they should equally accept potentially compromised gubernatorial and presidential elections that the federal government could conduct in the future, possibly in 2027. After all, what’s good for the goose is good for the gander.

Yushau A. Shuaib, publisher of PRNigeria and Economic Confidential

yashuaib@yashuaib.com

by

Ebuka Nwankwo

Documents from the World Bank’s archive show that the Bank approved a $67.0 million (equivalent to N36.8 million in 1981) loan for Nigeria in 1981 for the rehabilitation of the 1960 water supply scheme in Onitsha, which suffered significant deterioration during the Nigerian Civil War and was not meeting the needs of residents of Onitsha. The total water scheme project was estimated at N66.3 million (which was equivalent to $120.6 million using 1981 exchange rate). The $67 million World Bank loan, at that time, was to cover the foreign currency component of the project which was 55% of total cost.

The 1981 project financing scheme required that the counterpart costs would be met through contributions of $ 48.1 million (N26.5 million as at 1981) by the then Anambra State Government and $5.5 million (N3 million) by Anambra State Water Corporation (ASWC) which was supposed to charge for water usage. Interestingly, the World Bank’s 1991 project completion report for the Onitsha Water Scheme shows that its $67 million loan to Nigeria was closed in July 1991 and an unutilized balance of $2,655.22 was canceled in September 1991. Interested readers could visit the following link for details of this project: https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/605701468290135155/pdf/multi-page.pdf and https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/906611468098982882/pdf/multi-page.pdf

Despite the anticipated impact of this water project to the long-term sustainability of Onitsha, many adults in Onitsha cannot remember when they enjoyed public water supply in Onitsha. The story of how Nigeria accrued external debts – which it got ‘debt relief’ from during the President Obasanjo’s administration – is better left for another day. And before the advent of Governor Chukwuma Soludo, some of the lands these projects sat on were not only encroached upon, most of the equipment installed in these projects had been stollen and vandalized.

In 1979, before the commencement of the rehabilitation of the Onitsha Water Scheme project, the World Bank had approved the sum of $415,000 for the feasibility and engineering studies of the Greater Onitsha Water Scheme. During the same period, a consortium of Nigerian – German consultants (ENPLAN -GKW) carried out engineering designs for the master plan for sewerage, storm water and solid waste disposal schemes for Onitsha.

Today, the abandoned World Bank water scheme in Onitsha has a new life and the contractors handling the 3 major water schemes in the city are currently carrying out ‘final test running’ of the facilities and reticulation works. The facilities now produce highly treated portable water. And because reticulated pipes to homes of the 80’s have been severely damaged, contractors are working round the clock to restore these pipes. It is a very difficult job. Many residents have even built on the right of way of these water reticulation pipes and some have been stolen. Luckily, through sheer hard work and ingenuity, water has been reticulated to many commercial fetching points in Onitsha markets, civic centers and townhalls.

The Governor Chukwuma Soludo led administration has successfully rehabilitated the GRA Onitsha Water Scheme, CLASH Program Water Scheme and Terminal Reservoir Water Scheme. These water facilities have the capacity to supply 45 million litres of well-treated water to residents of Onitsha per day.

There have been efforts to rehabilitate these water schemes in the past. In November 2013, the state government announced that a 1.8-billion-naira contract to rehabilitate the Onitsha Water Scheme would be completed in 2014 by Peterson Candy International of South Africa. But the scale of deterioration of this water scheme was a big impediment to the project taking off. The infrastructure at the original intake water source at the Nkisi River for the water schemes had been seriously deteriorated and many big developments – including investments from institutional investors – had built on the right of way of the large raw water pipes taking water from Nkisi River to these treatment plants.

Today, the rehabilitated 45 million liters installed water treatment facilities in Onitsha is now powered with solar energy and with electricity from the national grid. The solar energy component of this facility is part of its sustainability and running cost reduction plan. The superb engineering design provided for this rehabilitated facility was able to have large industrial pumps powered by solar energy.

Last week, the joy of some residents of Onitsha knew no bounds when they received the State Commissioner for Power and Water Resources, Engr. Julius Chukwuemeka, during his routine inspection tour to monitor the reticulation of water to different fetching points in Onitsha, particularly at the Ogbe Oye Market, Inland Town.

There are ample reasons to be excited with the scale of work that has been done by the Governor Soludo-led administration. During the test running of the installed reticulation works in Onitsha by the project contractors, water runs for some hours daily at fetching points. Here is the grand plan: after the current test running of this project is completed, people at dedicated fetching points would be sure of a 24-hour water supply. The next phase would be to get water into individual houses.

During Engr. Julius Chukwuemeka’s inspection tour on a fetching point at Ogbe Oye Market, one woman lamented how her children had suffered from waterborne diseases in the past because of the unavailability of constant pipe borne water and that she spent a large portion of her earnings buying water in jerrycans from water vendors that she was not sure of their source of water. But, today, this woman is overjoyed!

The future of Anambra is bright with Governor Soludo at the helm of affairs. The Onitsha Water Scheme which seemed like a hard nut to crack has now been fully resuscitated and the last mile connections to residents are ongoing.

* Nwankwo is the special adviser to Soludo on special projects.

Note: Opinions expressed by contributors are strictly personal and do not necessarily represent the position of SunriseNigeria.