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Legitimacy Of The Expansion Of Kogi-East Chiefdom

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AbdulOkiti 11h.

Nigerian historiography has concentrated largely on the mega states without paying much attention to the mini states that provided the foundations for their cultural diversity. North central states is faced with the problem of heterogeneity, one of which is Kogi state.Created in 1991 by the administration of General Ibrahim Badamasi Banbagida.A historical survey from Wikipedia and historical sources into the making of the state found out the following facts:

Pre-colonial and colonial struggle of the major tribes

The Igalas

His Royal Majesty, the Attah Igala
Dr Michael Idakwo Ameh Oboni II

Not much record of their migration history I could lay my hands on, Igala settled in Wukari-Taraba state after coming from Egypt through Borno and later migrated from Wukari to Idah(source- Dr Nwanko T. Nwaezeigwe -“The politics of Igbo origin and culture:The Igbo-Ukwu and Nri factors Reconsidered ”,2003).Indigenous Igalas are found in Anambra(east) Benue, Delta, Edo, Enugu, Nasarawa, Niger states. “Ata”,the title given to the ruler of the kingdom, was Ebule- Jonu, a woman; she was succeeded by her brother Agana- Poje, the father of Idoko. Idoko would later succeed him as Ata, and had two children Atiyele and Ayegba om’Idoko (Ayegba son of Idoko), Atiyele the first son of Idoko migrated eastward of the kingdom to establish Ankpa kingdom while Ayegba the second son of Idoko succeeded his father as Ata’Gala.He led a war against the Jukun, which resulted in victory.The Ata-ship of Igala rotated among four branches of the royal clan. Igala Kingdom was founded by Abutu- Eje in the 7th century. The kingdom was ruled by nine high officials called the Igala Mela who are custodians of the sacred earth shrine.

…Igala colonisation of northern Igbo states1450-18th century .

The Igala mega state attained the height of its fame during the mid-17th century. The rise of the Igala mega state disrupted and contributed to the shift of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade from the Bight of Benin to the Bight of Biafra and the decline of the Benin Empire between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Idah-Benin war (1515-1516) was a war of mutual independence. The Igala state reached its political and commercial supremacy afterwards, when it became a leading exporter of choral beads, horses, medicine, skills and of course, slaves to the coastal region. Its growing power, nevertheless, changed the dynamics of the earlier complex relationships with several northern Igbo communities. Joseph Hawkins in 1797 already captured raiding of some extreme northern Igboland by the Igalas.

In his “A History of a Voyage to the Coast of Africa” he noted the growing conflicts between the ‘Ebo Country’ and ‘Galla’.By the late 17th century, the Igalas had influenced the socio-economic, political and religious arenas of some of the indigenous northern Igbo mini-states. From Opi (archaeological site), Nsukka, Nsugbe, several Igbo communities on the Anambra River, the lower Niger, through Okpanam to Asaba the Igala held sway. Trading out post with Onitsha and the Ijo middlemen were fully established. The mythical Omeppa, Inenyi Ogugu set up garrison at Opi (archaeological site) and several Igala warlords played their part in the buildup of the Igala colonial takeover of these northern Igbo states. But no other individual played a greater role in shaping Igala-Igbo influence during the 18th century than Onoja Oboni, the legendary Igala warrior and slave trader.

Onoja Oboni’s personality and heritage has been shrouded in mythical imagery over time. Ranging from being the Son of Eri, the grandson of Aganapoje to being a descendant of one of the Idah royal families; the priestly sub-clan of Obajeadaka in Okete-ochai-attah. The key areas of consensus are; he was a master strategist,slave raider and trader, conqueror,coloniser and imperialist. Added to these were his diplomacy,expansionist traits and the acculturation of conquered territories.

He built himself a walled city in Ogurugu and recent archaeological findings of the remnant of the ruins of his fort on the grounds of the University of Nigeria Nsukka confirm this.The Igala soldiers built forts and fortifications that stretched from Ete down to Opi (archaeological site) and then to Anambra. Oboni’s rise to power affected the history of the North-western Nsukka and the Igbo communities on the Anambra River and the Lower Niger during the Igala commercial and socio-cultural ascendancy and domination.This was the reinforcing of the golden age of Igala imperial expansion. In this way,Igala mega state took control and allegiance were paid. Until the decline of Igala power, the Ezes of Enugu-Ezike, Akpugo, Nkpologu, Ibagwa Ani and Opi continued to receive their titles from Idah; investiture, installation and confirmation of their office was only by the royal blessing of Attah Igala in Idah.

The Eze were only validated when they returned home with Igala choral beads ‘aka’, staff of office believed to be imbued with protective charms to ensure longevity and security of the Eze as well as prestige animal (horse) to bolster up their ego. There were also periodic royal visits to the Attah Igala to pay tributes and as well intended to strengthen diplomatic ties and inter-group relations, renew allegiance, and assured insurance from slave raids. In terms of indigenous technologies, the Igala soldiers built factories (forges) for manufacturing Dane-guns, ironworks, carving, introduced arrowheads with tip-poison from sting ray; cloth knitting, terracing of Nsukka hillsides and brought in a well developed political and social hierarchies.

At this time Igala empire had become a cultural exchange hub for other emerging states; the influence was felt as far north as the Nok civilisation and down east to Igbo-Ukwu civilisation. Till date many of the Igala-Nsukka borderland remain bilingual. On the religious level, the Igala installed their own priests – the Attama – as the custodian of the dangerous Alusi, shrine, took control as mediators between the spirit and the Igbo communities, presided over divination and fashioned ‘Ikenga’, ‘Okwute’ (ritual staffs) that combined both Igala and Igbo religious elements. The Attama thus became the major agents of Igala socio-cultural control.

Several efforts to keep the Attama lineage Igala failed, eventually the priestly office has been greatly igbonized, even though the nominal Igala identification is still predominant. Many of the northern Igbo state settlements have lineages with Igala names, cultural practices with marked Igala modification and adaptations. The use of Igala circular basket in contrast to the Igbo rectangular types persists till this day. By the turn of the 19th century, the Igala empire was too large for any reliable and robust central control. Internal decay and implosion set in.

The Fulani jihadists started contracting the Igala imperial power,conquered territories in the north switched tributes, forced or/and seceded from the Igala empire.The Bassa war added more pressure to the war-weary empire.The abolition of slave trade brought in untold economic recession. In 1914 the British burnt down Ibagwa and Obukpa as a punitive measure. By the 1920s, Igala empire was a spent force and a limping shadow, the British easily took over control of both Nsukka and the Igala territories.

Ebiras migration was traced from the Jukuns of the Kwararafa state,north of the Benue River and in present-day Taraba State.One of the relics of their trace from Kwararafa is the Apete stool, their symbol of authority and identity as a group within the kingdom, brought along and kept in a place in Opete (deriving its name from the stool), in present-day Ajaokuta. The Apete is presently the title instrument of Ozumi of Okene. After migration from Kwararafa, they originally settled with the Igalas and both groups lived together for about 300 years. A dispute between the two groups led to a parting of ways, and the Ebiras moved southwest of the River Niger to their ancestral home called Ebira Opete an area around Ajaokuta. Other groups later moved south to found Okengwe, Uboro and Okehi. Historically, these Ebiras communities were autonomous units without a central king or recognized royal families but were managed by leaders of lineages in a type of gerontocracy.

During the conquest of Hausaland by the armies of the religious and Political leader Uthman Dan Fodio, Ebiras came under a state of conflict with Fulani warlords to the north and west. In the middle of the nineteenth century, two major communities, Igu (Koton Large) as it was called by Hausa, it means strong land because they fought to conquest them but never succeed and were not conquered. Between 1865 and 1880, they battled, under the leadership of a warlord, Achigidi Okino, with jihadists called Ajinomoh who were from Bida and Ilorin. However,the Ebiras were not conquered by the Fulanis helped in part by security provided by their hilly environment.

The Ohinoyi of Ebiraland Alhaji (Dr) Ado Ibrahim

British interest in Ebira started with the location of a Royal Niger Company post in Lokoja. In 1898, the British annexed Ilorin and Nupeland under the pretext of controlling free flow of trade, they set up a military post in Kabba west of Ebiraland and the Ebiras soon were a target for annexation. In 1903, after much resistance, Ebira territory fell under British control. To manage the various autonomous villages, a central figure was appointed by the British to represent Ebiras. The first of such figures was Ouda Adidi of Eika,who ruled until 1903, he was succeeded by Omadivi, a favourite of the British.Omadivi was a clan head who had earlier fought against Jihadists but supported trade with the British. During his reign, his authority over the other clans was minimal. When Omadivi died, Adano was appointed but had a short reign. In 1917, a new ruler, Ibrahim was chosen, Ibrahim was also called Attah Ibrahim or Attah of Ebiraland, he was a maternal grandson of Omadivi. It was during his reign that the British colonists introduced indirect rule, a significant political development that increased the authority of Attah. Ibrahim used his position as head of the Ebira Native Authority to bring together the autonomous communities under his political leadership, a process that was opposed by some members of those communities. He gained the confidence of the British who entrusted territories northwards of Ebiraland such as Lokoja to him. Ibrahim was a Muslim convert and helped spread Islam in the region. However, Ibrahim was exiled in 1954,a consequence of political intrigues. The first primary school in the community was located in his palace and many of his children were educated and some ended up holding prominent positions in the regional and federal governments. Ibrahim was succeeded by Sani Omolori who held the title of Ohinoyi of Ebiraland.

…Ethnic groups found in Kogi state

The major tribes that made up of the state,groups and languages in Kogi include:Igala,Ebira, and Okun (a Yoruba Group) with others such as Bassa Nge,a people of Nupe extraction in Lokoja and Bassa Local Government Area, Bassa-Komo of Bassa Local Government Area, Gwari, Kakanda, Oworo people(A Yoruba Group), Ogori, Magongo, Idoma and the Nupe people of Eggan community under Lokoja Local Government.

…Historical facts on creation of kogi

Kwara state was created in 1967 by then Head of state,General Yakubu Gowon.The state was made up of the former Ilorin and Kabba provinces of the then Northern Region and was initially named the West Central State but later changed to “Kwara”, a local name for the River Niger.Kwara State has since 1976 reduced considerably in size as a result of further state creation exercises in Nigeria. On 13 February 1976, the Idah/Dekina part of the state was carved out and merged with a part of the then Benue/Plateau State to form Benue State.On 27 August 1991, five local government areas, namely Oyi, Yagba, Okene, Okehi and Kogi were also excised to form part of the new Kogi State.

…Agitation for creation of Okura state

Excerpt from premium times daily which is not too long i.e In the year 2017,the Igala social group held a press conference in Ibro hotel in Abuja,the social cultural group are made of all strong politicians and powerful igala sons and daughters, they made a referendum similar to the former proposed creation of Okura state,which has been on agitation since 1983.They proposed that ogura state should be created out of kogi state,this was signed by all federal representatitives and councilors.The proposed local government include Idah,Ibaji,Igalamela/Odolu,Ofu,Dekina,Ankpa,Olamaboro,Bassa and Omala.The agitation does not include Ajaokuta,Kotonkarfe nor Lokoja.

…The creation of Ajaokuta

I placed more emphasis on Ajaokuta because it is the home to one of the largest steel plant in Africa.Ajaokuta has been the ancestral home of the Ebiras aftermath their migration from the jukuns in the 18th century.Durring the colonial rule,Ajaokuta has been right under the control of the Ohinoyi of ebiraland from time in memorial even after the post-colonial period-Ajaokuta was under the defunct ebira native authority(Ka’abbah province).During the General Yakubu Gowon regime he first created twelve states,that was when Kwara state was created.Ajaokuta and its environs was under the control of Ohinoyi of ebiraland and its headquarters was in Okene local government Area.The ebira Kingdom stretched from Okene,Okehi,Adavi,Ogori and Ajaokuta-comprises of Eganyi,Adogo,Ajaokuta-main town and its environs even before its creation as a local government in 19991 during the regime of General Ibrahim Badamasi Banbagida.Its headquarter is in Adogo.Ajaokuta local government has its traditional head,i.e Ohi of Ajaokuta.

…Delineation of the local government and Senatorial Zones.

It is a resounding feet that Ajaokuta federal constituency is among the few local governments that its constituency is solely represented in the federal house of representatives and state house of assembly. Kogi state has three senatorial district east representing the Igala,west representing the okuns and Central representing the Ebira(Ajaokuta rightly placed in this zone).There are other minorities within these senatorial zones,which have been marginalized, this issue has be on, It will amount to hitting ourselves in the feet by expanding any major tribe chiefdom, this could lead to encroachment and unequal favouritism and dominance of already saturated ethnic group over disfavoured minorities

….Legitimacy of the lingering expansion of Kogi-east chiefdom

Every respect should be accorded to whom is due, government is very sensitive for the earlier architecture of the kingship control-this impacted its political delineation and representation in both federal and state representation. Federal and state representation is dependent on the tribes and ethnic spread, looking at the geographical map,it is crystal clear that the deed was already done, a change in the existing configuration will amount to re-writing the legitimacy of our existence as it affects the pre-colonial, post colonial,pre-military, post-military(democratic period) to sought for extension or expansion and/or dominance of a tribe at the expense of other existing tribes. The democratic institution will be question because it will lead to questioning the legitimacy of already existing laws. At this juncture, all hands must be on deck to avoid this cacophony, it will amount to maligning our existence as one indivisible and peaceful entity, I called for evidence based dialogue approach against any form of imperialism.

What is your thought on this piece, feel free to share your opinion and thought.

The article is written by Suleiman Abdullahi.

Email:okitiabdul@gmail.com

Editor’s Note: This writeup is entirely the opinion of the author and does not necessarily represent the position of SunriseNigeria.

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Opinion

SHAMBOLIC LOCAL ELECTIONS: ARE GOVERNORS SETTING ‘STANDARDS’ FOR TINUBU’S 2027 RE-ELECTION STRATEGY?

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By YAShuaib

It’s shocking and laughable that ruling parties, which barely secured victories in gubernatorial elections, are now winning local government council elections by landslides.

In some states, even parties that had never won elections are sweeping council seats, often at the behest of influential governors seeking to undermine their political rivals. For instance, Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State exemplifies how to win elections despite lacking support from traditional power brokers.

The abuse of local government councils by state governors in Nigeria is a pressing concern that threatens the very foundation of our democratic structure. While the Federal Government ensures timely disbursement of funds to all tiers of government through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), the reality is that many governors exert undue control over local government resources. This is particularly evident in the misuse of the State Local Government Joint Accounts (SLGJA), which, though intended to streamline funding, often become instruments of financial manipulation at the state level.

Recognising that the Federal Government guarantees each tier of government its statutory allocations, state governors have no legitimate reason to deny local councils their rightful share. This was underscored by the landmark Supreme Court ruling on July 11, 2024, which mandated direct federal allocation for elected councils to curb gubernatorial interference in local government finances.

However, with limited access to local government revenue after the ruling, many governors swiftly orchestrated elections to consolidate control over council positions and finances. The predictable results have seen ruling parties dominate the polls in nearly every state. These so-called “victories” do little to inspire confidence, as the elected officials often act as mere extensions of gubernatorial power.

The lack of genuine competition is hardly surprising, given that the governor’s appointees manage each State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). The recent wave of local elections follows a clear pattern: handpicked candidates of the preferred parties consistently win and easily claim the titles of LG chairpersons and councillors through questionable processes, often coordinated behind the scenes by the governors.

While one might expect an outcry over the shambolic LG elections, only a few voices have raised concerns. The election observation group Yiaga Africa recently highlighted the troubling development and recommended civic education, genuine competition and a transparent electoral process. Unfortunately, the entrenched realities make these ideals’ recommendations almost unattainable.

These actions of some of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faced pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy of governors in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldn’t the president do the same at the national level?

Sadly, disobedience to court orders and manipulation of local judges are similarly rampant at the state level, rendering adjudications predictable. For instance, some state-controlled courts of justice, which handle local matters—including traditional issues and chieftaincy titles—function as extensions of their governors, lacking genuine impartiality and integrity.

The stronghold of governors on local governance is unmistakable, surpassing the President’s influence over state administrations as they wield significant control despite judicial efforts to safeguard local autonomy.”

Meanwhile, under Tinubu’s federal administration, the Supreme Court has acted as an independent arbiter, often favouring opposition parties. For instance, following the last general elections and rulings of tribunals, the apex court upheld the victories of opposition candidates, including Governor Abba Yusuf of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau, and Governor Alex Otti of the Labour Party (LP) in Abia among others.

While the Supreme Court’s mandate for direct funding is a positive step, governors’ continued dominance over local governments is still apparent. Yet, the Federal Government continues the transparent disbursements of statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate such by ensuring local governments receive their fair share of internally generated revenue (IGR) without also encroaching on their legitimate federal allocations

The conduct of governors may have set a worrying precedent and questioned their commitment to fiscal federalism and the principles of local governance.

I strongly urge the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, and the Finance Minister, Mr. Wale Edun, to take decisive action to protect local governments’ administrative and financial rights. They must implement mechanisms to ensure local councils have political autonomy and receive their financial entitlements without the risk of misappropriation by state authorities.

Local governments must be granted full political and economic autonomy to function effectively as the grassroots arm of governance. The future of our democratic governance hinges on the equitable treatment of all tiers of government, ensuring that local councils can genuinely serve their communities with the resources they rightfully deserve.

For Nigeria’s democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent.

The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.

If citizens remain silent on recent flawed local elections conducted by some state governments, they should equally accept potentially compromised gubernatorial and presidential elections that the federal government could conduct in the future, possibly in 2027. After all, what’s good for the goose is good for the gander.

 

Yushau A. Shuaib, publisher of PRNigeria and Economic Confidential

yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Opinion

Soludo Solves Onitsha Water Problem with Last Mile Connection 

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Ebuka Nwankwo

Documents from the World Bank’s archive show that the Bank approved a $67.0 million (equivalent to N36.8 million in 1981) loan for Nigeria in 1981 for the rehabilitation of the 1960 water supply scheme in Onitsha, which suffered significant deterioration during the Nigerian Civil War and was not meeting the needs of residents of Onitsha. The total water scheme project was estimated at N66.3 million (which was equivalent to $120.6 million using 1981 exchange rate). The $67 million World Bank loan, at that time, was to cover the foreign currency component of the project which was 55% of total cost.

The 1981 project financing scheme required that the counterpart costs would be met through contributions of $ 48.1 million (N26.5 million as at 1981) by the then Anambra State Government and $5.5 million (N3 million) by Anambra State Water Corporation (ASWC) which was supposed to charge for water usage. Interestingly, the World Bank’s 1991 project completion report for the Onitsha Water Scheme shows that its $67 million loan to Nigeria was closed in July 1991 and an unutilized balance of $2,655.22 was canceled in September 1991. Interested readers could visit the following link for details of this project: https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/605701468290135155/pdf/multi-page.pdf and https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/906611468098982882/pdf/multi-page.pdf

Despite the anticipated impact of this water project to the long-term sustainability of Onitsha, many adults in Onitsha cannot remember when they enjoyed public water supply in Onitsha. The story of how Nigeria accrued external debts – which it got ‘debt relief’ from during the President Obasanjo’s administration – is better left for another day. And before the advent of Governor Chukwuma Soludo, some of the lands these projects sat on were not only encroached upon, most of the equipment installed in these projects had been stollen and vandalized.

In 1979, before the commencement of the rehabilitation of the Onitsha Water Scheme project, the World Bank had approved the sum of $415,000 for the feasibility and engineering studies of the Greater Onitsha Water Scheme. During the same period, a consortium of Nigerian – German consultants (ENPLAN -GKW) carried out engineering designs for the master plan for sewerage, storm water and solid waste disposal schemes for Onitsha.

Today, the abandoned World Bank water scheme in Onitsha has a new life and the contractors handling the 3 major water schemes in the city are currently carrying out ‘final test running’ of the facilities and reticulation works. The facilities now produce highly treated portable water. And because reticulated pipes to homes of the 80’s have been severely damaged, contractors are working round the clock to restore these pipes. It is a very difficult job. Many residents have even built on the right of way of these water reticulation pipes and some have been stolen. Luckily, through sheer hard work and ingenuity, water has been reticulated to many commercial fetching points in Onitsha markets, civic centers and townhalls.

The Governor Chukwuma Soludo led administration has successfully rehabilitated the GRA Onitsha Water Scheme, CLASH Program Water Scheme and Terminal Reservoir Water Scheme. These water facilities have the capacity to supply 45 million litres of well-treated water to residents of Onitsha per day.

There have been efforts to rehabilitate these water schemes in the past. In November 2013, the state government announced that a 1.8-billion-naira contract to rehabilitate the Onitsha Water Scheme would be completed in 2014 by Peterson Candy International of South Africa. But the scale of deterioration of this water scheme was a big impediment to the project taking off. The infrastructure at the original intake water source at the Nkisi River for the water schemes had been seriously deteriorated and many big developments – including investments from institutional investors – had built on the right of way of the large raw water pipes taking water from Nkisi River to these treatment plants.

Today, the rehabilitated 45 million liters installed water treatment facilities in Onitsha is now powered with solar energy and with electricity from the national grid. The solar energy component of this facility is part of its sustainability and running cost reduction plan. The superb engineering design provided for this rehabilitated facility was able to have large industrial pumps powered by solar energy.

Last week, the joy of some residents of Onitsha knew no bounds when they received the State Commissioner for Power and Water Resources, Engr. Julius Chukwuemeka, during his routine inspection tour to monitor the reticulation of water to different fetching points in Onitsha, particularly at the Ogbe Oye Market, Inland Town.

There are ample reasons to be excited with the scale of work that has been done by the Governor Soludo-led administration. During the test running of the installed reticulation works in Onitsha by the project contractors, water runs for some hours daily at fetching points. Here is the grand plan: after the current test running of this project is completed, people at dedicated fetching points would be sure of a 24-hour water supply. The next phase would be to get water into individual houses.

During Engr. Julius Chukwuemeka’s inspection tour on a fetching point at Ogbe Oye Market, one woman lamented how her children had suffered from waterborne diseases in the past because of the unavailability of constant pipe borne water and that she spent a large portion of her earnings buying water in jerrycans from water vendors that she was not sure of their source of water. But, today, this woman is overjoyed!

The future of Anambra is bright with Governor Soludo at the helm of affairs. The Onitsha Water Scheme which seemed like a hard nut to crack has now been fully resuscitated and the last mile connections to residents are ongoing.

 

* Nwankwo is the special adviser to Soludo on special projects.

 

Note: Opinions expressed by contributors are strictly personal and do not necessarily represent the position of SunriseNigeria.

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Lifestyle

Bishop George Biguzzi (1936 – 2024): Humility Beyond Reproach

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By Sule Musa (WhatsApp: +23276613799)

Whether night or day, I can no longer remember. Thereabout March or April. It was the year 2000. And at Lamina Sankoh Street in the central business district of Freetown, capital city of Sierra Leone.

This was the address of my short lived newspaper, Daily Adviser 2000 – 2001.

The office phone rang and I dashed for the receiver. Mobile phones were rare then; at least in Sierra Leone. Pioneer operator Mobitel was as rare as it was erratic. You could lay two handsets side by side on a table and dial the other with reports that the second handset was out of coverage area. So, it was mostly land phones

“Yaah!” I answered in my usually busy note. “Hello!” came back from the other end.

I will never be able to explain how that voice sounded like Emmanuel Turay’s. Emmanuel was the maiden news editor of the newspaper. I had been looking for him for the better part of that day.

So, I heard myself yelling “ah go kick you ass when I see you!

The response from the other end cut me by the groin. That could certainly not be Emmanuel. The voice responded “miself go kick u ass!”

I calmed down. I knew instantly that something was wrong somewhere. “Who’s this please?” I heard myself pleading. The answer and the voice hit me at once. I sought the ground to swallow me but it didn’t even yield a crack. “This is George Biguzzi” he said and began laughing, asking “where’s Emmanuel?”

My response was in whispers. “Mi Lord, ah don die!” I cried. “I thought it was Emmanuel.”

And he said coolly “Sule, let’s talk about important things. Tell Emmanuel I want to see him.”

I remained in the chair immobile for a long time. What sort of humility is this? I kept asking myself. And have not stopped going over same question whenever Biguzzi came to my mind.

But I had to know the man better from a closer proximity when the then director of Caritas Makeni, Ibrahim Sesay hired me as a communication consultant for the Catholic aid and relief agency. As Bishop of the Makeni diocese, Biguzzi was the chairman of the Caritas Makeni board.

The Daily Adviser newspaper had extensively covered the operations of Caritas Makeni especially in the course of ending the eleven-year war through peace negotiation and consolidation championed by the Sierra Leone commission for disarmament, demobilization and resettlement (DDR).

The guns had barely gone quiet when Caritas Makeni wrestled the child combatants in their thousands from the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) high command in Makeni. They were brought to Port Loko in about fourteen trucks owned and driven by the Pakistani contingent of the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL).

In all the hectic and hair raising operations led by Ibrahim Sesay and the dedicated Caritas Makeni team, Bishop Biguzzi was there in the background soliciting for funds from far and wide.

On countless occasions, I would be in the company of Ibrahim Sesay in the Wilkinson Road office of Caritas Makeni late into the night and long after the staff had closed. In nearly all of these sessions, there would be back and forth consultation with the Bishop on issues relating to the peace and relief operations.

The national award conferred on Bishop George Biguzzi by the government of President Ernest Bai Koroma was consequently well deserved.

Developments in nearly every area of human needs brought to Makeni and parts of the north of Sierra Leone are attributed to the glowing accomplishments of George Biguzzi who was always mentioned in one breath with his predecessor Bishop Azzolinni.

Perhaps the most touching pronouncements attributed to Biguzzi was his response to alarmists who ran to him in Freetown during the thick of the war, wailing that all he laboured to build in Makeni was reduced to rubbles by the rebels.

His response was classical patriotic zealotry. He said, “Once the ground is still there we will rebuild.”

When his obituary was published on Monday first of July, accompanying news that his remains would be brought to Makeni for interment according to his will, only cemented the fact that he was always Sierra Leonean by body, soul and spirit.

The soil of Sierra Leone is enriched by the mortal remains of George Biguzzi, a Catholic priest of rare breed.

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