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CAN MALLAM NASIR EL-RUFAI AND NORTHWEST GOVERNORS DEPLOY MERCENARIES TO FIGHT INSECURITY?

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BY CHIEF MIKE OZEKHOME, SAN, OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D.

The Kaduna State Governor, Mallam Nasir El- Rufai has just stirred the hornest ‘s nest when he declared that the Northwest Governors and neighboring Niger Republic may be forced to consider inviting mercenaries to help fight insecurity in their areas.

The engagement of external mercenaries is akin to deployment of the military to repel and contain external aggression.

It has to do with the command and operational use of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, whether in peace times, war,or under a state of emergency. All of these are solely and wholly vested in the president, with some moderational effect by the NASS.See sections 217,218, 219 and 305 of the 1999 Constitution. These are federal matters. Only the president of Nigeria who doubles as the Commander -in-Chief has the constitutional powers to carry thses out. Even the Police is,by virtue of sections 214 and 215 of the 1999 Constitution, squarely under the purview of the Federal government.

No state government under our constitutional democracy and legal regime can unilaterally act to invite mercenaries to Nigeria. It is ultra vires their powers. Their only resort is a collaborative rapprochement with the Federal government. However, they can tackle their state security matters within the permissible limits of our constitutional organogram.

By the way, I thought these are the same Governors that opposed their Southern counterparts when they decided to make anti-grazing laws last year, to protect their territories? They had kicked against such a pre-emptive security measure that was perfectly within the constitutional competence of such states.They always forget that there is always a tomorrow.

I wrote tons of articles and made several television advocacy appearances, denouncing this clueless and unpatriotic stance of these Governors. I had encouraged the Southern states Governors last year to go ahead and promulgate such state laws that are not in conflict with the provisions of the Constitution. Such Governors are constitutionally permitted to set up local vigilante groups to defend their individual enclaves. But, no state is ever permitted to extend direct invitations to mercenaries to invade Nigeria under the thin disguise of enforcing security.

Were some of these same Northern states Governors who had invited and brought in these rampaging bandits and mercenaries from neighboring countries to help vote for them into their various offices during the 2019 elections? Why are they now moaning,mourning and weeping ?

I commend to them the immortal poetic words of a confessional prose of Martin Niemoller ( 1892-1892), a German theologian and Lutheran Pastor who had opposed the Nazi regime of Adolf Hitler and spent the last 7 years of Nazi rule in concentration camps during the holocaust. He said famously:

“first they came for the Communists ,I did not speak out, because I was not a Communist. Then they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out, because I was not Socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews,and I did not speak out, because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak for me”. Whenever you throw a stone into the market, you may never know who will be the target. When you point one finger at others, the remaining four are pointing at you.

When you bring an ants-infested piece of firewood into the house, you should never complain about an invasion of lizards. Let us all be careful. Today is the tomorrow we discussed yesterday. Happy Sunday, Lent and Ramadan seasons to all Nigerians.

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Lifestyle

Bishop George Biguzzi (1936 – 2024): Humility Beyond Reproach

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By Sule Musa (WhatsApp: +23276613799)

Whether night or day, I can no longer remember. Thereabout March or April. It was the year 2000. And at Lamina Sankoh Street in the central business district of Freetown, capital city of Sierra Leone.

This was the address of my short lived newspaper, Daily Adviser 2000 – 2001.

The office phone rang and I dashed for the receiver. Mobile phones were rare then; at least in Sierra Leone. Pioneer operator Mobitel was as rare as it was erratic. You could lay two handsets side by side on a table and dial the other with reports that the second handset was out of coverage area. So, it was mostly land phones

“Yaah!” I answered in my usually busy note. “Hello!” came back from the other end.

I will never be able to explain how that voice sounded like Emmanuel Turay’s. Emmanuel was the maiden news editor of the newspaper. I had been looking for him for the better part of that day.

So, I heard myself yelling “ah go kick you ass when I see you!

The response from the other end cut me by the groin. That could certainly not be Emmanuel. The voice responded “miself go kick u ass!”

I calmed down. I knew instantly that something was wrong somewhere. “Who’s this please?” I heard myself pleading. The answer and the voice hit me at once. I sought the ground to swallow me but it didn’t even yield a crack. “This is George Biguzzi” he said and began laughing, asking “where’s Emmanuel?”

My response was in whispers. “Mi Lord, ah don die!” I cried. “I thought it was Emmanuel.”

And he said coolly “Sule, let’s talk about important things. Tell Emmanuel I want to see him.”

I remained in the chair immobile for a long time. What sort of humility is this? I kept asking myself. And have not stopped going over same question whenever Biguzzi came to my mind.

But I had to know the man better from a closer proximity when the then director of Caritas Makeni, Ibrahim Sesay hired me as a communication consultant for the Catholic aid and relief agency. As Bishop of the Makeni diocese, Biguzzi was the chairman of the Caritas Makeni board.

The Daily Adviser newspaper had extensively covered the operations of Caritas Makeni especially in the course of ending the eleven-year war through peace negotiation and consolidation championed by the Sierra Leone commission for disarmament, demobilization and resettlement (DDR).

The guns had barely gone quiet when Caritas Makeni wrestled the child combatants in their thousands from the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) high command in Makeni. They were brought to Port Loko in about fourteen trucks owned and driven by the Pakistani contingent of the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL).

In all the hectic and hair raising operations led by Ibrahim Sesay and the dedicated Caritas Makeni team, Bishop Biguzzi was there in the background soliciting for funds from far and wide.

On countless occasions, I would be in the company of Ibrahim Sesay in the Wilkinson Road office of Caritas Makeni late into the night and long after the staff had closed. In nearly all of these sessions, there would be back and forth consultation with the Bishop on issues relating to the peace and relief operations.

The national award conferred on Bishop George Biguzzi by the government of President Ernest Bai Koroma was consequently well deserved.

Developments in nearly every area of human needs brought to Makeni and parts of the north of Sierra Leone are attributed to the glowing accomplishments of George Biguzzi who was always mentioned in one breath with his predecessor Bishop Azzolinni.

Perhaps the most touching pronouncements attributed to Biguzzi was his response to alarmists who ran to him in Freetown during the thick of the war, wailing that all he laboured to build in Makeni was reduced to rubbles by the rebels.

His response was classical patriotic zealotry. He said, “Once the ground is still there we will rebuild.”

When his obituary was published on Monday first of July, accompanying news that his remains would be brought to Makeni for interment according to his will, only cemented the fact that he was always Sierra Leonean by body, soul and spirit.

The soil of Sierra Leone is enriched by the mortal remains of George Biguzzi, a Catholic priest of rare breed.

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Opinion

Kogi LG Election and Oganenigu Marginalisation: A Demand for Chairmanship Ticket

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By Comr Husseini A Alok

As the 2024 Kogi State Local Government election approaches, the debate over zoning of the chairmanship ticket among the various wards in Dekina Local Government has taken center stage. The ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) and other major political parties must consider the historical context and ensure fairness in their decision

Oganenigu Ward, in particular, has suffered severe political and economic marginalization since the creation of Dekina Local Government. Despite producing leaders in the past, the ward has been excluded from chairmanship positions and other political offices since 1999. This imbalance must be addressed

A review of past leadership positions shows that various wards have had their fair share of representation. Abocho produced URA AJIBILI as Chairman in the 80s, while Olowa in Dekina Ward produced Hon. Rapheal Omojo Ihiabe, and Ogbabede produced Hon Simon Okai Maha. Even Oganenigu Ward produced Bar Joshua Igonor as Chairman. However, since 1999, the ward has been marginalized

Other wards have produced chairmen, House of Assembly members, and even a Senator. Dekina Ward has produced two-term chairmen and a House of Representative member. Anyigba has produced two-term chairmen, four-term House of Assembly members, and two-term federal House of Representatives members. In contrast, Oganenigu Ward has only produced a chairman in the 90s and a House of Assembly member in 1999.

The demand for zoning of the chairmanship ticket to Oganenigu Ward is a child of necessity. Political inclusion is essential for democracy to thrive. Rotational chairmanship may not be constitutionally written, but it is desirable for justice and fairness.

I urge the chairmen of leading political parties to zone the Dekina chairmanship ticket to Oganenigu Ward for equity, fairness, and justice. This will ensure all wards have a sense of belonging and promote inclusive democracy.

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Opinion

Yahaya Bello: From White Lion to White Mouse – Law Mefor

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At the University of Jos, where we studied general and applied psychology as undergraduates, we learned about an intriguing experiment involving a white rat and a boy called Little Albert. The white rat was repeatedly associated with loud noise, so Little Albert was classically conditioned to become afraid of it. This fear then spread to other stimuli that were similar to the rat, such as a fur coat, some cotton wool, and a Santa mask.

The former Kogi state governor, Yahaya Bello, now cuts the terrified image of Little Albert. A few weeks ago, he prided himself on being the White Lion as he left office. But since then, he’s been hiding like a scared mouse. Power is indeed ephemeral, but did Yahaya Bello realise this when he governed Kogi with an iron grip?

When Bello was governor, he was always a sight to behold, particularly when he worked out. He trained like a heavyweight boxing champion; he had a considerable tonnage and was well-built, a lady’s man with six packs.

Bello took several months off from governing Kogi to campaign for the APC presidential ticket in the 2023 election. Had his gamble paid off, Nigeria’s President Yahaya Bello would have been making headlines across the world. He refused to concede the race to Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the candidate of choice, fighting to the bitter end.

Lord Acton wrote to Bishop Creighton as early as 1887, stating that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Absolute power corrupts absolutely, which means that a man’s morality is weakened or corrupted by power and that a man’s corruption increases with his level of power. According to this idiom, persons in positions of power frequently don’t have the interests of the populace at heart, and Bello was an absolute ruler as they came!

Bello selected current Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo as his successor, defying convention and common sense to put in office a pliable successor. Departing governors always try to serve as a proxy for a third term in government. Ododo established Bello’s office as the previous governor within the government house in a way never seen before.

The EFCC had taken notice of the messy corruption in Bello’s Kogi state administration before he departed from office. Ali Bello, the chief of staff of the current Kogi state governor, Usman Ododo, was re-arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on a revised 17-count accusation of fraud. Ali Bello, as you may wish to know, is the nephew of Yahaya Bello. Ali was docked before the federal high court in Abuja because of the allegations that he participated in the misappropriation of more than N10 billion from the state coffers under his uncle Yahaya Bello.

Ali Bello was named chief of staff by Ododo even though he had been on trial since Yahaya Bello’s days as governor. Likewise, the EFCC has charged Bello himself with appearing in court on more serious charges of power abuse and corruption involving more than N80 billion.

Bello’s refusal to make himself available and his resistance to being taken into custody resulted in a siege at his Abuja home, where he had hidden himself a few days earlier. Bello was said to have been taken away by Governor Ododo, and it is currently unclear where Bello is. It’s also possible that the EFCC is attempting to obtain legal clearance for his arrest in light of the court order that prevented Bello from being arrested and arraigned; this order is currently being reviewed by the court of appeal.

Remember, Bello’s rise to power was entirely due to divine intervention. Bello was selected by the All Progressives Congress to succeed Abubakar Audu, who had won the race as governor but passed away before the results were announced. Bello was proclaimed the victor of the 2015 Kogi gubernatorial election. On November 16, 2019, he defeated PDP candidate Musa Wada to win a second term in office.

More significantly, upon taking office in January 2016, Bello became the youngest governor since 1999. He was not even forty. The country was full of optimism when it welcomed the young governor and anticipated that Bello would serve as a test subject for what the new generation of leaders could provide for modern governance. Bello’s performance received a generally negative rating, much to the disappointment of all Nigerians who had misplaced their confidence in him.

It’s as if Bello serves as a benchmark for young people’s ability to hold public office; no one would elect a young Nigerian to office again. It was a betrayal of hope. Many people are against the proposed state police because of what people like Senator Natasha Agboti-Uduaghan went through during the height of Bello’s reign and abuse of power.

Apart from his incapacity to deliver, state governors’ abuse of power—which Bello has been accused of—should be a bigger concern. There isn’t a single Kogite who didn’t benefit from his administration that would give Bello a pass mark. For example, Bello’s 8-year reign is said to have recorded not a single legacy project.

But it’s crucial to remember that Bello is not by himself alone. The majority of governors treat their states as their personal estates and continue to operate carelessly. The concept and essence of separation of powers that characterise presidential democracies are conspicuously absent from state governments, where the executive, legislative, and judicial branches are fused under a single governor.

Not even the LGs created by the constitution are allowed to function by the governors who sit on the monthly amounts that the LGs receive from FAAC, according to the text and spirit of the 1999 Constitution.

Bello is being questioned by the EFCC regarding funds he received from the FAAC and Kogi’s LG allocations during his eight years as governor. Rather than act as Peter Ayodele Fayose did when he left office as governor of Ekiti state, Bello chose to go into hiding and use the legal system to prevent his arrest and arraignment.

Indeed, states make up the federating units of the Nigerian federation. Generally speaking, as states are autonomous in a proper federation, the EFCC shouldn’t have authority over them. However, Nigerian federalism is amorphous and obtuse. States receive funding from the federation and are consequently required to report to the EFCC on how such funds are expended.

While the EFCC may not be able to inquire about state-generated income internally, it is unquestionably necessary to account for the money obtained from the FAAC and special funds (such as ecological, salary bailouts, and other intervention funds) from the FG. Yet Bello, refusing to account, feels that he is not answerable to the EFCC. This is the height of impunity.

The protesting little group of supporters of Bello is another development from the Yahaya Bello tale. These young people were hired, and it’s possible that they were given some naira notes to pretend that their former governor was being harassed and persecuted. Similar events have been occurring in Nigeria since the country’s return to this purported democratic regime in 1999.

On a final note, Bello should be informed that this is the ideal moment to live up to his claim as the White Lion. He ought to get over hiding like a rat in a hole. He ought to confront the situation like a lion would—with courage, even if it means serving time in prison for corruption if guilty. He should not wait to be smoked out and picked up like a rabbit.

So also, governors past and present, as well as all other public officials elected and appointed, should be aware that their time will come to give account. They will be rushing from hole to hole like rats and rabbits being pursued by a ravenous predator if they are not prepared for the day of reckoning, as it seems Yahaya Bello is not.

No public office or public fund belongs to the occupier of the office. It belongs to the Nigerian people. Public officials should know this and know peace in and out of office

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